Introduction
Losing a loved one through homicide is one of the most traumatic experiences that an individual can face; it is an event for which no one can adequately prepare, but which leaves in its wake tremendous emotional pain and upheaval. For purposes of this article, homicide or murder is defined as the "willful (nonnegligent) killing of one human being by another" (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000).
In 2005, there were roughly 16,700 murders commited in the United States -- crimes which affected many more people than the victim. Homicide grief expert Lu Redmond (1989) has estimated that there are seven to ten close relatives - not counting significant others, friends, neighbors and co-workers - for each victim. Those left behind to mourn are called "homicide survivors" and no amount of justice, restitution, prayer or compassion will bring their loved one back.
Losses After Homicide
Loss of A Loved One
When someone is murdered, the death is sudden, violent, final and incomprehensible. The loved one is no longer there -- the shared plans and dreams are no longer possible. The loss of the relationship will be grieved in different ways by all those who felt close to the victim because their relationships with the victim were all different.
Grief reactions may be manifested long after the physical loss of a loved one. For example, parents may find that they re-experience feelings of loss many years later, such as when they see friends of their murdered child graduate from high school or college, get a job or start a family.
Parents may have believed that, in the natural order of life, the older generation should die first; if so, they may have great difficulty with the fact that their young or grown children were killed while they themselves still live, thus violating this expectation.
Siblings may feel guilt in moving on with their lives -- for example, getting married or having a family. This may be especially true if these plans were not already in existence when the victim died or if the murder occurred at a time when the victim had similar plans. When the victim was also the survivor's confidant or best friend, then the love and support which normally might have been available to help the survivor in the aftermath of the murder may be especially missed. The survivor may feel even more alone than ever.
Family members may have had a conflicted relationship with the victim. The fact that their loved one has died means that these issues or bad feelings will remain unresolved, leaving the survivor with the additional loss of hope that things could have been worked out while the victim lived.
Financial Losses
Homicide survivors may lose much more than their loved one following the murder. There may be a significant loss of income in the family, especially if the victim was the primary "breadwinner." Other family members may find they are unable to go to work because they cannot concentrate or because they need to be present at court hearings and may subsequently lose their jobs. There may be loss of the family home if mortgage payments cannot be made. Plans for school may have to be postponed because of financial difficulties or because survivors cannot concentrate on work or studies. If the victim survived briefly before dying, extraordinary medical bills may have been incurred for which the family may not have had sufficient insurance coverage.
Other Losses
Homicide survivors may experience many other kinds of loss after the murder. Because of the suddenness of the death and the stigma of the murder itself, family members may find drastic changes in their lifestyle afterwards. Some of these other kinds of losses may include:
+ Loss of self, a sense of having been "changed" from the person they used to be;
+ Loss of a sense of control over their lives;
+ Loss of independence or a greater need for dependence on other individuals and/or institutions to address the wrong that was done to them and their loved one;
+ Loss of social support or social standing, with increased feelings of isolation and loneliness;
+ Loss of a sense of safety and security;
+ Loss or questioning of faith or religion. Very often, homicide survivors may question how God could let something like this happen to someone they love. If survivors believe that good things are a reward for a good life and their loved one was a good person, then the question of how this could happen can be very difficult for survivors; and
+ Loss of community or physical environment. After the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City left 168 men, women and children dead, the surviving residents had to adapt, not only to the physical alteration of their city by the blast, but also the loss of relatives and friends.
Aftermath of Homicide
There is usually a period of grief following any loss. Although the notion of "stages" is no longer accepted, grief reactions and the tasks of grieving have been identified. Homicide survivors may also experience symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (Rynearson, 1984; Redmond, 1989). Indeed, it has been stated (Rando, 1993) that factors such as the violence, suddenness, unexpectedness and randomness of the death and the anger, self-blame and guilt which result from it may place family members at risk for what has been termed "complicated mourning."
Grief Reactions
Redmond (1989) described many factors which may affect the course of the grieving process for homicide survivors. These factors include: the ages of the survivor and the victim at the time of the homicide; the survivors' physical and/or emotional state before the murder; their prior history of trauma; the way in which their loved one died; and whether or not the survivor has, and can make use of, social support systems. In addition, social and cultural factors may have great impact on the grieving process.
When homicide survivors first learn about the murder, they may experience shock and disbelief, numbness, changes in appetite or sleeping patterns, difficulty concentrating, confusion, anger, fear and anxiety (Redmond, 1989). One survivor described her initial reactions after hearing of the murder of a family member in this way:"I felt a scream coming out and I thought, No!' I closed my mouth. My legs turned rubbery, and I started falling, and I still wanted to scream, but I couldn't scream." (Asaro, 1992, p. 34.)
In cases where homicide survivors have not been able to view their loved one's body -- either because it was not permitted or they felt unable to do so -- it is often difficult for them to accept the reality of the death. It is for this reason that Redmond urges that family members be permitted to go through this viewing process, as painful as it may be at the time.
Homicide survivors sometimes describe a feeling that "the world has stopped"; they cannot understand how everyone else is able to go on about their daily routine. For them, the world as it was has come to an end, causing feelings of confusion and anger.
Later reactions often include feelings of isolation, helplessness, fear and vulnerability, guilt or self-blame, nightmares and a desire for revenge (Redmond, 1989). One survivor described her reaction in this way:"I was empty -- hollow -- and, you know, you don't think . . . you can't concentrate, and you can't see what's in front of your eyes." (Asaro, 1992, p.35.)
Homicide survivors may experience heightened anxiety or phobic reactions; the anguish may seem intense and, sometimes, overwhelming. Sometimes survivors speak of a physical pain -- such as a "pain in my heart" or a "lump in my throat" -- which they could feel for several years after the murder. A survivor spoke of her reactions in this way:
"I'd cry more around my husband and what I called it was 'wailing' . . . when I did cry, I would cry from my soul because it hurt so bad." (Asaro, 1992, p. 35.)
It is not uncommon for homicide survivors to have tremendous feelings of rage toward the person(s) responsible for the murder, but they may also experience anger toward the victim for "being in the wrong place at the wrong time" or for living a lifestyle which placed them at greater risk for victimization.
Feelings of depression and hopelessness may be present; survivors often report that they cannot imagine that they will ever be happy again. It is very important to get professional help if thoughts of self-harm or suicide are present. One survivor described her feelings in this way:
"I've thought maybe it would be just as well that I end it, you know? Some days were so depressing." (Asaro, 1992, p. 36.)
Even many years after the murder, survivors may find themselves suddenly crying over their loss. These feelings have been called "grief spasms" (Lord, 1988) or "memory embraces" (Wolfelt, 1992), and reflect the depth of the pain of the loss. Many survivors have said that they know they are doing better when they begin to have more good days than bad days.
Tasks of Grieving
Worden (1991) described four "tasks" of grieving. These included: accepting the reality of the loss; feeling the grief; adjusting to a life in which the deceased is no longer present; and emotionally relocating the deceased so that life can go on.
The first task (Worden, 1991) is that of acknowledging and accepting the reality of the loss -- that the loved one is dead. Survivors often report a sense that their loved one will come up the driveway as usual at the end of the workday. Others have reported that they felt impelled to follow someone who looked just like their deceased loved one. It is often difficult for homicide survivors who have not had a chance to see their loved one's body to know, finally, that it was not some terrible mistake and that their loved one is really dead.
The second "task" identified by Worden (1991) is that mourners must acknowledge and experience the pain associated with losing their loved one, whether it be physical and/or emotional pain. This is one of the most difficult tasks a mourner faces, even under the most supportive of circumstances. Homicide survivors often find that they must put their feelings on hold as they follow court hearings, trials and numerous appeals. However, no matter how the pain of the loss is held back or "put aside," Worden stated that the mourner must experience these feelings or they may carry the pain of the loss for the rest of their lives.
The third task described by Worden (1991) is to adjust to a life in which their loved one is no longer present. At this point, family members begin to make personal or lifestyle changes which might take them in a very different direction than that planned while their loved one was still alive. Often family members may feel some guilt around these new decisions, wondering whether they are being disloyal to their relationship with the deceased. It is important for survivors to recognize and come to terms with these reactions and feelings.
The last task Worden described (1991) is that the mourner must somehow find a place for their loved one within their emotional life which can, at the same time, permit them to go on in the world. Survivors will not forget their loved one, but eventually will realize that their lives can and do go on.
Posttraumatic Stress Reactions
Studies of families of homicide victims suggest that they may be particularly at risk for developing Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (Redmond, 1989; Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick & Resnick, 1991). When a family member is murdered, the survivors often react with intense feelings of helplessness, fear and horror. The diagnosis of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) is made when symptoms (listed below) last for at least one month; the disturbance adversely affects an important area of functioning, such as work or family relations; and criteria are met in the following three categories:
1. Recurrent and intrusive re-experiencing of the traumatic event, such as dreams or "flashbacks";
2. Avoidance of places or events which serve as reminders of the murder; and
3. Ongoing feelings of increased arousal such as constant vigilance or an exaggerated startled reaction.
One survivor described a recurrent dream she had after several family members were murdered:
" . . . I'd go to bed at night, and I'd dream about saving their lives." (Asaro, 1992, p. 35.)
Some events -- such as news coverage or the approach of birthdays, holidays or the anniversary of the murder -- may trigger the sensation in homicide survivors that they are re-experiencing earlier stress reactions (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). One homicide survivor described her experience in this way:
" . . . nobody prepared me for the year anniversary . . . it just blew me away." (Asaro, 1992, p. 38.)
Impact on Family Unit
It is important to recognize that, although emotional support may have been shared among family members prior to the murder, each individual may grieve the loss in unique ways which might well put them at odds or in conflict with other family members. Some family members may feel that others should not "dwell" on the murder -- that they should "give it up" or "put it behind them." Others may feel that they must learn everything that they can about the murder and fight for the victim's rights through the criminal justice system.
Survivors might also find themselves emotionally withdrawing from each other after the murder -- especially when issues of protectiveness, guilt, anger, or blame are present. One homicide survivor described the way her relationship with her father changed after the murder:
" . . . I can't stand to see him like that, and I feel like I'm the cause of him being upset if I wanted to ask him questions or bring it up, so I don't." (Asaro, 1992, p. 37.)
After the murder, surviving family members may have to assume other roles within the family. For example, the father may have to assume the duties of child-rearing, in addition to being the wage earner in the family; older brothers and sisters may have to assume care for younger siblings; or grandparents may find themselves caring for young children once again after the parents have been killed.
While survivors may need to deal with new situations or learn new coping skills, they may also need to redefine who they are -- for example, if a woman had been a wife, she must adjust to being a widow. If a woman thought of herself as a caretaker and her child is murdered, then what role does she now fill? These new roles may be thrust upon other family members just when they feel least psychologically, emotionally or financially prepared to adjust to them because of the cataclysm of feelings and reactions they are experiencing after the murder.
If the victim was murdered by another family member -- for example a spouse or brother -- surviving family members may feel additional confusion, guilt, anger, blame and betrayal, and may take sides for or against the victim. This serves to further split family ties and may ultimately result in the family being torn apart.
It sometimes happens that more than one family member is lost through violence, either at the same or different times. This can easily magnify the "sensational" aspects of the crime as far as community and media response, but also can increase the enormity of the loss for those who survive. If so, this will certainly have a great impact on the family's need for, and ability to seek and make use of, outside resources to cope with their losses.
In cases where a relationship between a significant other and the victim was not known or accepted by the victim's family members, this can be the source of additional feelings of confusion, anger or blame. For example, a murder victim may have been in a same-sex relationship and had not "come out" to the family before the murder. Not only must the family then come to terms with their loved one's death, but they must also confront issues surrounding his or her lifestyle which may be at great odds with their personal values or beliefs.
Contextual Factors Which May Impact the Grieving Process
In addition to dealing with the loss of their loved one, family members are constantly bombarded with additional factors which result from the violent nature of the death. These may include reactions to the murder -- both their own and those of others -- or a feeling of having been "re-victimized" by their involvement with the media and the criminal justice system.
Reactions to the Murder
One of the most troublesome aspects of a murder for homicide survivors is that the homicide makes no sense to them. Janoff-Bulman (1992) stated that people, either consciously or unconsciously, often operate on the basis of underlying assumptions about the way the world is and why things happen. These assumptions help explain or attribute blame for situations or events and may serve as a protective mechanism against the extremely uncomfortable notion that "we are not in complete control." Having lost the framework that helps them to feel safe and make sense of the world, homicide survivors often feel as though they have been cast adrift and that they are trying to understand the incomprehensible.
It is for this reason that safety issues are often of primary concern for homicide survivors. They now know that bad things not only can, but do, happen. This brings home the reality that no one is completely safe -- no one is immortal. Survivors may become fearful and anxious when another loved one comes home late or does not call when expected. One homicide survivor described becoming fearful whenever her husband had to be away overnight on business:
"I found that I was taking a sleeping bag and sleeping by the door because I was so nervous." (Asaro, 1992, p. 40.)
Another survivor described her fears in this way:
" . . . when you are pregnant, at least with my first pregnancy . . . [you feel] that you are a main target. . . . I thought they were out to get me. I felt like there was this big X' on me saying, Get me." (Asaro, 1992, p. 40.)
When the assailant is not known, the family will very often try to pursue any avenue to obtain information or insights about what happened -- not only to bring the guilty party to justice, but also to feel safe and to protect their remaining loved ones from an unknown threat. For example, some surviving family members have reported that they hired a psychic to try to come up with new information; others have reported that they keep a police scanner on at home all day, listening for anything that might help with the investigation.
Homicide survivors must also deal with their reactions to the violent nature of the death. They often think about the extent to which their loved one suffered; the fact that the violence was intentional and, therefore, preventable is very troublesome. One survivor spoke of her distress over the way in which two of her loved ones were murdered:
"Both had suffered terribly and suffered for hours . . . it was a very slow and painful death for both of them." (Asaro, 1992, p. 42.)
It is very difficult for many people to accept the notion that "bad things happen to good people." For them, it seems that there must be a cause and effect when unforeseen events occur. In their need to determine where the "blame" for the homicide should be assigned, they may consciously or unconsciously blame the victim. In the aftermath of a murder, they may feel especially confused, angry and isolated if their loved one was murdered while engaged in activities that were not legal or perceived to be socially unacceptable.
Homicide survivors must also deal with other's misguided attempts at helpfulness, including such comments as, "It's been a year -- you should be over this by now" or "It's God's will." Surviving parents may be told, "At least you still have two other children" or "At least you can have other children."
Oftentimes, well-meaning friends may inadvertently overlook the pain and trauma experienced by brothers and sisters of the victim. Lack of acknowledgment of the nature or extent of their pain, or denial of their right to feel the pain and anger associated with their loss, may cause siblings to feel silently resentful and even more alone.
When homicide survivors go to their pastor, priest, rabbi or other religious leader for support, too often they are told that the "murder was somehow part of God's plan" or that "they must forgive the murderer." These statements can be very distressing to people already struggling with feelings of rage and thoughts of revenge, and may give them an additional burden of guilt to bear.
Other factors which may complicate the grieving process for homicide survivors have to do with the ongoing exposure they have to homicide-related material -- such as autopsy reports, crime scene photos, repairing or cleaning up the crime scene, trying to obtain the victim's personal effects (which may have been held as evidence), and other potentially trauma-inducing events.
Media Intrusion
After a loved one is murdered, homicide survivors have little privacy. Their identities and the circumstances of the murder often become public knowledge. Tragically, some survivors may learn about the murder while watching television or listening to the radio. In this day and age, it is not uncommon for survivors to find a microphone thrust in their faces after a court hearing. They may learn about developments in their case for the first time on the evening news or, suddenly and unexpectedly, see their loved one's body placed on a gurney and wheeled to an ambulance during a "Year in Review" news special.
The media may also report inaccurate or inappropriate information about their loved one's case or may portray the offender as a victim in the case, without also acknowledging the impact the murder had on the victim's surviving loved ones.
Involvement in the Criminal Justice System
Most of the people who work within the criminal justice system are well-trained and have demonstrated tremendous sensitivity assisting family members after a murder. However, re-victimization of family members might easily result from the way in which family members are notified of the murder, whether their loved one's body can be released by the coroner in a timely manner, how they are given information from the autopsy report, whether or not a suspect is caught, and the manner in which the investigation and/or prosecution are conducted.
Law Enforcement:
When someone has been murdered, law enforcement is usually the first on the scene and, therefore, the first part of the criminal justice system with which the surviving family comes into contact. Generally, the family is frantic for information -- anything that will help them to comprehend what has happened. In murders where little is known or in cases where family members have not been ruled out as suspects, information cannot be forthcoming to the rest of the family. When family members have always perceived themselves to be law-abiding and good citizens, this might not only cause them to feel frustrated and embarrassed, but might also cause them to experience a "secondary victimization" by the very system that they expected would be there to help them find justice.
One survivor described the way in which her family learned the circumstances of their loved one's death:
"The policeman said to us, You people get out of here . . . get the hell out of here. We're dealing with a homicide.' That's how we found out."(Asaro, 1992, p. 39.)
Coroner:
In a murder investigation, the victim's body is considered to be the primary "evidence" and there may be a delay in releasing his or her body to the funeral home. For this reason, funeral or memorial arrangements may be delayed, causing further distress to the surviving family. Autopsy reports may later be given to family members with no explanation of the forensic or medical terms used.
Judiciary System:
If there is sufficient evidence to bring charges against the alleged killer, the case may be brought to trial. As described earlier, homicide survivors quickly learn that there is a great deal of difference between their expectations and the reality of how the criminal justice system works. What they see on "Matlock" and other television shows or read in murder mysteries is often grossly inaccurate and merely fiction. In addition -- depending upon whether the assailant is an adult or a juvenile -- there is a great deal of difference in the extent of survivors' rights in the criminal process. During prosecution, the surviving family members often find themselves drawn into a world of legal technicalities which often leave them wondering, "Where are our rights?"
Survivors often find that arrests do not always result in prosecution; prosecutions do not always result in convictions, and convictions do not consistently result in stiff sentences. In the criminal justice system, family members find that the crime has been committed "against the state" and not against them or their loved one. Perceptions of injustice and lack of respect for their loved one often cause further distress for homicide survivors. Their loved one becomes "the body," "the victim" or "the deceased" and is rarely referred to by name, which can seem dehumanizing to the victim's family. Sometimes the victim's character might be called into question during the trial, causing dismay for loved ones who are present.
Homicide survivors are usually told to show little or no emotion in the courtroom so that they will not unduly "influence the jury." This is especially difficult as they face the alleged killer and hear the painful details of their loved one's death. One survivor related her experience in this way:
"You're holding your breath. You don't want to make a peep, or a sound, or anything that would harm that trial at all because you want the guy to get the max." (Asaro, 1992, p. 40.)
If homicide survivors are called as material witnesses by either the prosecution or defense, they may not be able to stay in the courtroom for part or all of the trial. On the other hand, it is not uncommon for survivors to be listed as witnesses by the defense in order to keep them out of the courtroom and away from the curious or sympathetic gaze of the jury.
The trauma may not end once the convicted murderer is sentenced; survivors are often surprised to learn that the criminal sentences imposed and ordered are frequently not the sentences served. Ongoing appeals and parole hearings may easily trigger later stress reactions for the surviving family members, friends and loved ones of the victim.
If a "not guilty" verdict is returned, or if the sentence is the minimum or for a reduced amount of time, the family may feel betrayed and enraged. If the assailant was not caught or is unknown, survivors must go on without a sense of closure. In a case where the killer was never identified, the survivor stated:
"Well, I think my bitterness is because it's never been solved and I thought it was handled . . . it's like nobody gives a damn." (Asaro, 1992, p. 36.)
Coping with the Aftermath of Homicide
Working with the Media
As described earlier, homicide survivors may have positive or negative experiences with the news media and may feel uncertain about the extent of their rights. A sensitive reporter can be an ally to the family in trying to get their story told; however, it is important for the surviving family to remember that you are never required to talk with the media and that there are no guarantees that the information you give them will be presented as you expect or want it to be presented. The goal of printed and electronic journalism is to "sell papers" -- not necessarily to see that "justice is done."
Working Within the Criminal Justice System
The victim/witness assistance program, located in the office of the district or prosecuting attorney, can provide information about the way the criminal justice system works and what rights and provisions your particular state has legislated for victims of crime and homicide survivors. It is important to remember that, while there may not always be answers, you are entitled to ask as many questions as you feel necessary.
The victim/witness coordinator can also be very helpful in letting you know about changes in scheduled hearings and often can assist in making arrangements for overnight stays for family members who travel from other locations in order to attend judicial proceedings. Be aware, however, that frequently the times and dates of proceedings, hearings and trials may be changed or postponed, even at the last moment. This often causes family members to feel as though they are living on "pins and needles" and leads to a great deal of frustration and anger with the criminal justice system.
Sometimes family members are not allowed to be present in the courtroom during hearings or the trial itself; reasons for this might be that family members themselves have been called as witnesses or because the offenders are underage. If this occurs, transcripts of the proceedings may be available to family members; however, be aware that there is usually a per-page charge by the court reporter for this service, and it may take a while to get the actual transcript.
If the defendant is found guilty, a victim impact statement can be presented by the family as part of the sentencing procedure. For many homicide survivors, this may be the only opportunity they will have to speak on behalf of their loved one or to describe the impact the murder has had on themselves and their family.
This statement is a description of how the crime has impacted every area of the survivors' lives. It is a way for the family to describe who the victim was as a person, as well as their pain and anguish resulting from the loss of their loved one and the ongoing ways in which the murder continues to affect them. The impact statement is taken into consideration when the judge -- and in some cases and states, the jury -- is making a determination about the type of sentence to be imposed.
Surviving family members can also ask to be notified and to be present when the convicted felons come up for parole or release. Procedures for requesting notification vary; some states require that this request be put in a letter format, and other states have a specific form which must be completed and returned. Usually family members can request that their addresses not be given to the defendant or his attorney. Additionally, survivors can often request that the parole board include in their parole instructions and conditions that the assailant not contact the family in any way. If contact is made, the felon will then be in violation of parole. If the terms or conditions of parole are violated, the felon may then be forced to return to prison.
Dealing with the Emotional Aftermath
Understand that grieving is a process and not an event. Get as much information as you can about this process. Remember that everyone's grief is unique because everyone's loss is different.
Be patient with yourself and be good to yourself, especially around holidays or on anniversaries of the date of the murder.
Some families find it comforting to keep the same traditions or rituals around the holidays; others find it deeply painful because they serve as a reminder of their loved one who is no longer alive. Family members may also feel they have much less energy than usual. The following are examples of ways in which traditions can be changed in order to respect these feelings:
+ Instead of having a family dinner at home, eat at a restaurant or order dinner "to go";
+ Limit or change the type of decorations you put up;
+ Give gift certificates instead of presents or shop by catalog;
+ Limit the number of social gatherings you attend. Choose those that will be most supportive to you and your family;
+ Buy something special in honor of your loved one, such as a tree or a plant. Include children in the planning;
+ Skip holiday cards or reduce the amount of work involved by instead sending a holiday newsletter;
+ Choose a new family holiday activity such as an out-of-town vacation;
+ Share the day with other grieving families; or
+ Give yourself permission to read, listen to music or simply stay home and do nothing.
Other Resources
Local support groups:
It is important to recognize that, no matter how supportive or compassionate the victim/witness assistance coordinators may be, survivors often find it helpful to obtain additional advocacy services. These are often available through community crime victim assistance programs, especially those in which staff and volunteers are well-trained in the issues of families of murder victims. Services are usually provided at no charge.
Many homicide support groups have trained advocates who can accompany you to hearings, trial proceedings, meetings with the coroner, etc., providing emotional support and information about the process. The criminal justice system of motions and appeals can be quite confusing when you have little or no information about what is happening and why. The need to learn as much as possible about the criminal system presents itself just when family members' nerves are already stretched close to the breaking point. Through participation in support groups, many homicide survivors have found that others who have been through the same experience have also had similar reactions. They find that they have permission to openly express the pain of their loss, speak the unspeakable and finally reveal "revenge fantasies" -- which are a normal reaction to violent victimizations. For these reasons, support groups can be very "normalizing" for families and friends of victims, allowing them to feel that they are not going crazy and that others are experiencing and surviving the same depth, complexity and confusion of emotions.
The support group setting also permits survivors who are further along in their healing to give hope to those who are newly bereaved or who are having an especially difficult time. Through providing and receiving support, survivors are able to help each other and to see that some good is able to come out of the pain that they have experienced.
Although some people may find that they still prefer one-to-one counseling or support services, it might be useful to try several group support meetings. This is because people are often surprised at how helpful they are over time. However, a word of caution is in order here -- sometimes people report feeling worse for a while after attending a support group meeting. This is because many of the painful feelings have been brought to the surface. As difficult as this may be at the time, many survivors state that this process ultimately helps them to progress through the grieving process. What they have found is that there is no way to get through the grief except to just go through it, however difficult it may be.
There are many local organizations of homicide survivors who have banded together to assist other survivors. People who have lost family and friends through murder have stated that they often experience an immediate and close bond with other homicide survivors, even if they had never met them before and even if they do not have the opportunity to meet them face-to-face.
National Organizations:
National organizations such as the National Center for Victims of Crime or the National Organization for Victim Assistance can provide information and local referrals, as well as legislative or public policy information. Parents of Murdered Children and Other Loved Ones (POMC), a national organization with local chapters in many states, was formed by someone who lost a loved one through murder. National organizations can also provide referrals for other cities, which is especially useful in cases where the murder of a loved one took place in a different state or community. The Compassionate Friends and Mothers Against Drunk Drivers may provide information and support services to homicide survivors as well. (Contact information for all these organizations can be found at the end of this bulletin)
State Crime Victims Compensation Programs:
These programs may reimburse families for funeral expenses, counseling fees, loss of income and expenses associated with the clean-up of crime scenes. However, most states have a cap or limit on the amount of money they can award, and this may not cover all the expenses resulting from the crime. Application information can be obtained through local victim/witness assistance programs or the state victim compensation program.
Counseling:
Obtaining individual or family counseling services with a therapist trained in trauma work can be very helpful to you in working through the strong feelings of anger and grief in the aftermath of murder. It is especially important to contact a therapist when thoughts of self-harm or suicide are present. Feelings of rage and a desire for revenge are common; however, you should contact a therapist if you feel it would be difficult to avoid acting on these impulses.
Civil Attorneys:
Attorneys who are trained in civil litigation on behalf of crime victims can advise you of your rights after a loved one has been killed. While bringing a civil suit against the individual who has caused so much pain for the homicide victim's family can never bring a loved one back, it can assist in recovering economic losses resulting from the murder and may also hold the responsible person(s) directly accountable for their actions.
Local funeral directors:
Local funeral directors can often be an excellent source of information about the grieving process. They may also facilitate grief support groups or provide referral information about other community services for those who have lost a loved one through a homicide.
Other Get Help Series Bulletins, available from the National Center for Victims of Crime, which may be of interest:
+ "Rights of Survivors of Homicide Victims"
+ "State Compensation Laws"
+ "Crime Victims' Privacy Rights in the News Media"
+ "Right to Privacy"
+ "Overview of the Criminal Justice System"
+ "Civil Remedies for Crime Victims"
+ "Grief: General"
+ "Children and Grief"
Changing the Laws
After pursuing their loved one's case through the criminal justice system, many homicide survivors become active in educating legislators concerning the "secondary victimization" that they have experienced. It is sometimes felt that helping to make the system better for others is one way of making some good come out of the tragedy of their loss. Some of the changes being sought include: "truth in sentencing" legislation (establishing that the actual time sentenced is the actual time served); restorative justice; and more effective approaches to dealing with issues of juvenile justice and victims of juvenile offenders.
As of May 2001, a total of 32 states have passed constitutional amendments establishing the rights of crime victims. There are also efforts on a national level, coordinated by national crime victim assistance organizations, to amend the U.S. Constitution so that survivors of violent crime will have guaranteed rights and justice in greater measure.
What You Can Do If Someone You Know Has Lost a Loved One Through Homicide
Learn what to say and what not to say. Very often, well-meaning friends and neighbors want to help the homicide survivor, but are afraid they will say or do the wrong thing. Remember there is nothing that can be said or done that will bring their loved one back; the process of recovery is a long and slow one. It is very difficult to experience the feelings of helplessness and frustration associated with trying to be a friend to someone who has lost a loved one in such a violent manner. Be aware that everyone will grieve their loss over different periods of time and in different ways. Here are a few ways in which you can help homicide survivors:
+ Be a good listener. Let people in grief be where they are at the moment. Don't try to make "psychological" assessments of where they are or where they should be in this process.
+ Be non-judgmental. Many homicide survivors express strong feelings of anger and revenge. Do not react with shock if they express these feelings to you; however, while it is normal to have these feelings, it is important that they not act on these impulses. Be as appropriate as possible in your response.
+ People who are in grief seldom have the energy to reach out and find what resources are available in the community. You might ask survivors if it would be helpful for you to search out and attend support group meetings with them. They might not have the energy to drive or even sit through an entire meeting.
+ People in grief seldom have the energy to get through the daily tasks of living, and their ability to concentrate may be very poor at times. Examples of ways one might help would be to pack their children's lunches, help make a grocery list, get extra items at the grocery store, or help put the groceries away.
+ If you suspect that a friend is having suicidal thoughts or impulses, ask them. Help them to make and keep an appointment with a professional counselor. If possible, make sure that the therapist is trained in trauma counseling.
Summary
The combination of grief reactions and increased vulnerability to Posttraumatic Stress Disorder often results in what Redmond (1989) called "a life sentence" for the rest of the family after a loved one is murdered. Nothing can make this reality disappear; however, there are resources and assistance that can help homicide survivors better understand their reactions and experiences, and learn to cope with and integrate these reactions into the new realities of their lives as individuals and as a family.
References
American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. (4th ed.). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.
Amick-McMullan, A., D. Kilpatrick and H.S. Resnick. (1991). "Homicide as a Risk Factor for PTSD Among Surviving Family Members." Behavior Modification, 15(4): 545-559.
Asaro, M. R. (1992). Families of Murder Victims: Reactions and Coping Experiences. Masters Thesis. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilm.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2007). Crime in the United States, 2006. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (1997). Crime in the United States, 1996. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (1995). Crime in the United States, 1994. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.
Janoff-Bulman, R. (1992). Shattered Assumptions: Toward a New Psychology of Trauma. New York: The Free Press.
Lord, J. H. (1988). Beyond Sympathy. Ventura, CA: Pathfinder Publishing.
Rando, T. (1993). Complicated Mourning. Champaign, IL: Research Press.
Redmond, L. (1989). Surviving: When Someone You Love Was Murdered. Clearwater, FL: Psychological Consultation and Education Services, Inc.
Rynearson, E. K. (1984). "Bereavement After Homicide: A Descriptive Study." American Journal of Psychiatry, 11: 1452-1454.
Wolfelt, A. D. (1992). Understanding Grief: Helping Yourself Heal. Muncie, IN: Accelerated Development, Inc., Publishers.
Worden, J. W. (1991). Grief Counseling and Grief Therapy. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
For additional information, please contact:
National Organization of Parents of Murdered Children, Inc.
100 East Eighth Street, Suite 202
Cincinnati, Ohio 45202
Phone: (513) 721-5683
Toll Free: (888) 818-POMC
Fax: (513) 345-4489
E-mail: natlpomc@aol.com
www.pomc.com
Children of Murdered Parents
P. O. Box 9317
Whittier, CA 90608
Phone: (562) 699 - 8427
Dougy Center for Grieving Children and their Families
3909 SE 52nd Avenue
Portland, OR 97206 USA
Phone: (503) 775-5683
Toll Free: (866) 775-5683
Fax: (503) 777-3097
Email: help@dougy.org
www.dougy.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 467-8700
Our helpline is staffed Monday through Friday 8:30am to 8:30pm EST:
Toll-free Helpine: 1-800-FYI-CALL (1-800-394-2255)
Fax: (202) 467-8701
TTY/TDD: 1-800-211-799
Email: gethelp@NCVC.org
www.ncvc.org
C.O.P.S. (Concerns of Police Survivors, Inc.)
P.O. Box 3199
Camdenton, MO 65020
Phone: (573) 346-4911
Fax: (573) 346-1414
Email: cops@nationalcops.org
http://www.nationalcops.org/
M.A.D.D. (Mothers Against Drunk Driving)
National Office
511 E. John Carpenter Freeway
Suite 700
Irving, TX 75062
Toll-free: (800) GET-MADD (800-438-6233)
Local Phone: (214) 744-6233
Victim Services 24-Hour Help Line: 1-877-MADD-HELP (877-623-3435)
Fax: (972) 869-2206 or (972) 869-2207
http://www.madd.org/
Tragedy Assistance Program for Survivors, Inc. (TAPS)
(Resource for military families.)
National Headquarters
910 17th Street, NW Suite 800
Washington, DC 20006
Main Phone: (202) 588-TAPS (8277)
Business Phone: (202) 457-8277
Hotline: 800-959-TAPS (800-959-8277)
Email:info@taps.org
http://www.taps.org
Your local prosecutor's office, law enforcement, or state Attorney General's office. Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Government," "County Government," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Thursday, August 28, 2008
Crime Prevention
Overview
Although crime and victimization rates have steadily declined since the early 1990's, society’s perception and fear of crime is still very high. Greater participation between community members and local law enforcement is needed to help ensure that crime and victimization rates continue to decline. Crime prevention is a concept that can help reduce crime and public fear and perception of crime.
Many individuals have taken steps to protect themselves and their property by attending self-defense courses, acquiring dogs, or engraving their property with some form of identification. Businesses have initiated crime prevention measures in the workplace, ranging from hiring security officers to installing security alarms, as well as training staff to recognize potential problem situations.
Many large businesses have instituted employee assistance programs to not only educate employees about crime prevention measures, but also to provide assistance to victimized employees.
Perhaps the most significant area of growth has been the involvement of communities in crime prevention programs. Twenty years ago, numerous communities established block home programs for children. Children were taught that if they were afraid for any reason, they should go to the house with the block home sign in the window for assistance. This type of community response has expanded into programs that include neighborhoods, schools, businesses and local police departments.
Primary Crime Prevention
Crime prevention is usually described by using the medical model. Primary, secondary, and tertiary crime prevention models all involve some level of community involvement. However, each type of prevention focuses on a specific developmental stage of crime. Primary prevention addresses the conditions in the natural environment that may lead to the development and prevalence of crime. Lack of street maintenance, broken windows, abandoned buildings, and broken down cars are a few examples of a disorganized community. Primary prevention seeks to directly alleviate these factors that may lead to crime. One type of primary prevention is that of neighborhood crime prevention.
Neighborhood Crime Prevention
By addressing the factors that may lead to crime, neighborhood crime prevention affects the fear and perception of crime as well as the actual prevalence of crime. If members of the community are participating in crime prevention, their perception and fear of crime may reduce.
There are many different approaches to neighborhood crime prevention. The attempt is to establish a cohesive and socially aware community where crime cannot flourish. Some examples of neighborhood crime prevention are neighborhood watch programs, citizen patrols, organized community clean up days, social events with local law enforcement (picnics, festivals, etc..), and physical design.
Neighborhood crime prevention programs are most successful if there is active participation from both citizens and local resources. The more actively involved members are in the overall well-being of the community, the more successful the program will be at reducing crime.
How to Organize Neighborhood Crime Prevention:
* Talk to your neighbors. Communication of the issues and each other’s concerns allows for further concrete steps to be taken. Assess what the community wants accomplished through neighborhood crime prevention.
* Locate and Identify local resources. The more resources that are available to a community the more programs that can be implemented.
* Talk to local police about organizing community activities.
* See if local businesses are willingly to donate time, money, and or resources.
* Seek out State and Federal resources. Are there any funds/grants available to your community. Apply for them.
* Get together. Hold regular meetings where all citizens can suggest ideas and improvements. Communicate citizen ideas or concerns to local agencies(law enforcement, businesses, etc..)
* Start small. Identify one or two programs that is suitable and adequate for your neighborhood. It may be unrealistic and ultimately unsuccessful to implement a program that does not address the issues in your community.
Secondary Crime Prevention
Secondary crime prevention attempts to prevent crime by focusing on at-risk offenders or potential opportunities that may foster criminal activity. The main tool used in secondary crime prevention is identification and prediction. There are many theoretical basis for the implementation of secondary crime prevention programs. Once we are able to identify potential places, people, situations, or opportunities that are at-risk for criminal activity it may be possible to predict and prevent any future criminal occurrence. By reducing the potential opportunities to commit crime, increasing the risk(s) of the crime, and by minimizing the potential gain of the criminal act, it is more likely that the criminal will not engage in such behavior.
Citizens can take individual steps to protect themselves from victimization. Organizing large groups for crime prevention may be very difficult at times. Certain programs like situational crime prevention allows citizens to individually participate in crime prevention.
There are many techniques that are used in situational crime prevention. Situational crime prevention focuses on preventing a specific type of crime and criminal behavior. However, no one technique is guaranteed to prevent all crime. A few techniques of situational crime prevention are categorized under the following goals.
Reducing the opportunity to commit crime.
Target hardening.
This technique makes it physically more difficult for the potential offender to engage in criminal activity. Installing dead-bolt locks in doors, using steering wheel locks for cars, and putting iron bars on windows are a few examples of target hardening. The recent surge of computer crimes has made it increasing necessary to address issues of privacy. Computer users can protect themselves from victimization by installing software that defends against potential intrusion by hackers and other criminals. Software that protects against computer viruses are a form of target hardening that is widely implemented.
Increasing the risk associated with the crime.
Formal Surveillance
This technique is used by many companies and corporations. It can also be used in a residential environment. There are many ways to conduct formal surveillance. Some examples of formal surveillance include night desk attendants, security guards, security cameras, speeding cameras, and alarm systems. Potential criminals may be less likely to engage in illegal activity if they perceive a greater risk at being apprehended.
Natural Surveillance
In Defensible Space (1972) Oscar Newman proposed natural surveillance as a technique of crime prevention through physical design. The physical space is designed in a manner in which legitimate users can monitor the activities that occur in that area. For example, by increasing street lighting legitimate users can better see any unusual activity. This increases the exposure of any potential criminal behavior and increases the chance someone will be able to identify the criminal. Residential motion lights are an example of increased lighting. Physical surroundings may be conducive to the formation of crime. Criminals are more liking to offend in an area that they feel more confident in not getting caught in. There may be easy access and exits to the location of the crime. Once the crime has been committed the criminal knows he/she can escape with relative ease. One way to address this is to create speed bumps that would slow down a potential fleeing felon or to limit road access to the neighborhood.
Reducing the potential reward(s) of the crime.
Denial of benefits. Reducing benefits of a criminal activity may deter the offender from committing the crime. Retail store owners who fear theft of merchandise have used the ink-marking technique of situational crime prevention. If the offender knows that the merchandise will be stained once he tries to illegally remove the tag the monetary benefits of the crime have been removed. Car manufacturers have long ago designed face-less car stereo players. The idea is to reduce the potential reward of the criminal activity by removing the target of the crime. Another example of reducing potential reward is property identification. By marking and tagging one’s property the monetary gains the criminal anticipates to receive is reduced. If they are unable to dispose of the stolen property it is useless to them.
Tertiary Crime Prevention
Tertiary prevention, unlike primary and secondary prevention focuses on prevention after a crime has occurred. The focus is to reduce the recidivism rate of criminals and insure that steps are taken so that a victim will not be re-victimized. The primary form of tertiary prevention in the United States today is that of incapacitation. Although it does not prevent criminals from committing crimes once they leave prison, it does protect the larger population from present victimization at the hands of the criminal.
Summary
Evaluations of these crime prevention programs are mixed. There is no one great approach to preventing crime. The Maryland Commission’s report to Congress, "Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising," is the most comprehensive analysis of crime prevention programs and strategies. Over 500 studies world-wide were evaluated and critiqued.
The success of neighborhood crime prevention programs in reducing crime is dependant on several factors. Citizen involvement over the course of the program, funding, and local commitment are essential ingredients to any neighborhood crime prevention program. Evaluations show a reduction in crimes of drug use and vandalism. No major reductions were shown for serious violent crimes. However, most studies on neighborhood crime prevention suffer from many research limitations. Therefore, it is not possible to say that neighborhood prevention does not reduce serious violent crime. Serious violent crimes often occur in what is normally called "hot spots." By targeting these areas and using a combination of programs reduction of crime is possible.
Situational Crime Prevention has shown to dramatically reduce burglary crimes. In the Maryland Report, over 90% of the studies evaluated on situational crime prevention show reductions in crime (Sherman, 1996). Approaches like target hardening had a significant effect on crime rates. In some studies crime rates rose in surrounding areas where target hardening was used. However, the displacement was not significant enough to overshadow the effect of target hardening.
Crime prevention is not limited to any one program or any one group of programs. There are several other approaches in crime prevention that have reduced crime and victimization. Mentoring of youth, home visits by nurses, and nuisance abatement are all forms of crime prevention that can be done at the local level. Citizens can take an active role in preventing crime, preventing victimization, and reducing the fear of crime in their neighborhoods.
References
Pastore, Ann L.; Maguire, Kathleen. (2000). Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice.
Reninison,Callie. (2001). National Crime Victimization Survey. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice.
Sherman, L. (1996). Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. A Report to United States Congress. Washington, D.C.
Bibliography
Lab, S. P. (1997). Crime Prevention: Approaches, Practices and Evaluations. Third Edition. Cincinnati, OH. Anderson Publishing Company.
For additional information, please contact:
National Association of Town Watch
1 Wynnewood Road
Suite 102
Wynnewood, PA 19096
Tel: (610) 649-7055
(800) NITE-OUT
Fax: (610) 649-5456
www.natw.org
NATWNNO@aol.com
National Crime Prevention Council
1000 Connecticut Avenue, NW
13th Floor
Washington, DC 20036
Tel: (202) 466-6272
Fax: (202) 296-1356
www.weprevent.org
National Crime Prevention Institute
University of Louisville
Louisville, KY 40292
Tel: (502) 852-6987
(800) 334-8635 ext. 6987
Fax: (502) 852-6990
www.louisville.edu/a-s/ja/ncpi
jcfryo1@gwise.louisville.edu
Executive Office of Weed and Seed
U.S. Department of Justice
810 7th Street, NW
6Th Floor
Washington, DC 20531
Tel: (202) 616-1152
Fax: (202) 616-1159
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2001 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Although crime and victimization rates have steadily declined since the early 1990's, society’s perception and fear of crime is still very high. Greater participation between community members and local law enforcement is needed to help ensure that crime and victimization rates continue to decline. Crime prevention is a concept that can help reduce crime and public fear and perception of crime.
Many individuals have taken steps to protect themselves and their property by attending self-defense courses, acquiring dogs, or engraving their property with some form of identification. Businesses have initiated crime prevention measures in the workplace, ranging from hiring security officers to installing security alarms, as well as training staff to recognize potential problem situations.
Many large businesses have instituted employee assistance programs to not only educate employees about crime prevention measures, but also to provide assistance to victimized employees.
Perhaps the most significant area of growth has been the involvement of communities in crime prevention programs. Twenty years ago, numerous communities established block home programs for children. Children were taught that if they were afraid for any reason, they should go to the house with the block home sign in the window for assistance. This type of community response has expanded into programs that include neighborhoods, schools, businesses and local police departments.
Primary Crime Prevention
Crime prevention is usually described by using the medical model. Primary, secondary, and tertiary crime prevention models all involve some level of community involvement. However, each type of prevention focuses on a specific developmental stage of crime. Primary prevention addresses the conditions in the natural environment that may lead to the development and prevalence of crime. Lack of street maintenance, broken windows, abandoned buildings, and broken down cars are a few examples of a disorganized community. Primary prevention seeks to directly alleviate these factors that may lead to crime. One type of primary prevention is that of neighborhood crime prevention.
Neighborhood Crime Prevention
By addressing the factors that may lead to crime, neighborhood crime prevention affects the fear and perception of crime as well as the actual prevalence of crime. If members of the community are participating in crime prevention, their perception and fear of crime may reduce.
There are many different approaches to neighborhood crime prevention. The attempt is to establish a cohesive and socially aware community where crime cannot flourish. Some examples of neighborhood crime prevention are neighborhood watch programs, citizen patrols, organized community clean up days, social events with local law enforcement (picnics, festivals, etc..), and physical design.
Neighborhood crime prevention programs are most successful if there is active participation from both citizens and local resources. The more actively involved members are in the overall well-being of the community, the more successful the program will be at reducing crime.
How to Organize Neighborhood Crime Prevention:
* Talk to your neighbors. Communication of the issues and each other’s concerns allows for further concrete steps to be taken. Assess what the community wants accomplished through neighborhood crime prevention.
* Locate and Identify local resources. The more resources that are available to a community the more programs that can be implemented.
* Talk to local police about organizing community activities.
* See if local businesses are willingly to donate time, money, and or resources.
* Seek out State and Federal resources. Are there any funds/grants available to your community. Apply for them.
* Get together. Hold regular meetings where all citizens can suggest ideas and improvements. Communicate citizen ideas or concerns to local agencies(law enforcement, businesses, etc..)
* Start small. Identify one or two programs that is suitable and adequate for your neighborhood. It may be unrealistic and ultimately unsuccessful to implement a program that does not address the issues in your community.
Secondary Crime Prevention
Secondary crime prevention attempts to prevent crime by focusing on at-risk offenders or potential opportunities that may foster criminal activity. The main tool used in secondary crime prevention is identification and prediction. There are many theoretical basis for the implementation of secondary crime prevention programs. Once we are able to identify potential places, people, situations, or opportunities that are at-risk for criminal activity it may be possible to predict and prevent any future criminal occurrence. By reducing the potential opportunities to commit crime, increasing the risk(s) of the crime, and by minimizing the potential gain of the criminal act, it is more likely that the criminal will not engage in such behavior.
Citizens can take individual steps to protect themselves from victimization. Organizing large groups for crime prevention may be very difficult at times. Certain programs like situational crime prevention allows citizens to individually participate in crime prevention.
There are many techniques that are used in situational crime prevention. Situational crime prevention focuses on preventing a specific type of crime and criminal behavior. However, no one technique is guaranteed to prevent all crime. A few techniques of situational crime prevention are categorized under the following goals.
Reducing the opportunity to commit crime.
Target hardening.
This technique makes it physically more difficult for the potential offender to engage in criminal activity. Installing dead-bolt locks in doors, using steering wheel locks for cars, and putting iron bars on windows are a few examples of target hardening. The recent surge of computer crimes has made it increasing necessary to address issues of privacy. Computer users can protect themselves from victimization by installing software that defends against potential intrusion by hackers and other criminals. Software that protects against computer viruses are a form of target hardening that is widely implemented.
Increasing the risk associated with the crime.
Formal Surveillance
This technique is used by many companies and corporations. It can also be used in a residential environment. There are many ways to conduct formal surveillance. Some examples of formal surveillance include night desk attendants, security guards, security cameras, speeding cameras, and alarm systems. Potential criminals may be less likely to engage in illegal activity if they perceive a greater risk at being apprehended.
Natural Surveillance
In Defensible Space (1972) Oscar Newman proposed natural surveillance as a technique of crime prevention through physical design. The physical space is designed in a manner in which legitimate users can monitor the activities that occur in that area. For example, by increasing street lighting legitimate users can better see any unusual activity. This increases the exposure of any potential criminal behavior and increases the chance someone will be able to identify the criminal. Residential motion lights are an example of increased lighting. Physical surroundings may be conducive to the formation of crime. Criminals are more liking to offend in an area that they feel more confident in not getting caught in. There may be easy access and exits to the location of the crime. Once the crime has been committed the criminal knows he/she can escape with relative ease. One way to address this is to create speed bumps that would slow down a potential fleeing felon or to limit road access to the neighborhood.
Reducing the potential reward(s) of the crime.
Denial of benefits. Reducing benefits of a criminal activity may deter the offender from committing the crime. Retail store owners who fear theft of merchandise have used the ink-marking technique of situational crime prevention. If the offender knows that the merchandise will be stained once he tries to illegally remove the tag the monetary benefits of the crime have been removed. Car manufacturers have long ago designed face-less car stereo players. The idea is to reduce the potential reward of the criminal activity by removing the target of the crime. Another example of reducing potential reward is property identification. By marking and tagging one’s property the monetary gains the criminal anticipates to receive is reduced. If they are unable to dispose of the stolen property it is useless to them.
Tertiary Crime Prevention
Tertiary prevention, unlike primary and secondary prevention focuses on prevention after a crime has occurred. The focus is to reduce the recidivism rate of criminals and insure that steps are taken so that a victim will not be re-victimized. The primary form of tertiary prevention in the United States today is that of incapacitation. Although it does not prevent criminals from committing crimes once they leave prison, it does protect the larger population from present victimization at the hands of the criminal.
Summary
Evaluations of these crime prevention programs are mixed. There is no one great approach to preventing crime. The Maryland Commission’s report to Congress, "Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising," is the most comprehensive analysis of crime prevention programs and strategies. Over 500 studies world-wide were evaluated and critiqued.
The success of neighborhood crime prevention programs in reducing crime is dependant on several factors. Citizen involvement over the course of the program, funding, and local commitment are essential ingredients to any neighborhood crime prevention program. Evaluations show a reduction in crimes of drug use and vandalism. No major reductions were shown for serious violent crimes. However, most studies on neighborhood crime prevention suffer from many research limitations. Therefore, it is not possible to say that neighborhood prevention does not reduce serious violent crime. Serious violent crimes often occur in what is normally called "hot spots." By targeting these areas and using a combination of programs reduction of crime is possible.
Situational Crime Prevention has shown to dramatically reduce burglary crimes. In the Maryland Report, over 90% of the studies evaluated on situational crime prevention show reductions in crime (Sherman, 1996). Approaches like target hardening had a significant effect on crime rates. In some studies crime rates rose in surrounding areas where target hardening was used. However, the displacement was not significant enough to overshadow the effect of target hardening.
Crime prevention is not limited to any one program or any one group of programs. There are several other approaches in crime prevention that have reduced crime and victimization. Mentoring of youth, home visits by nurses, and nuisance abatement are all forms of crime prevention that can be done at the local level. Citizens can take an active role in preventing crime, preventing victimization, and reducing the fear of crime in their neighborhoods.
References
Pastore, Ann L.; Maguire, Kathleen. (2000). Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice.
Reninison,Callie. (2001). National Crime Victimization Survey. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice.
Sherman, L. (1996). Preventing Crime: What Works, What Doesn’t, What’s Promising. A Report to United States Congress. Washington, D.C.
Bibliography
Lab, S. P. (1997). Crime Prevention: Approaches, Practices and Evaluations. Third Edition. Cincinnati, OH. Anderson Publishing Company.
For additional information, please contact:
National Association of Town Watch
1 Wynnewood Road
Suite 102
Wynnewood, PA 19096
Tel: (610) 649-7055
(800) NITE-OUT
Fax: (610) 649-5456
www.natw.org
NATWNNO@aol.com
National Crime Prevention Council
1000 Connecticut Avenue, NW
13th Floor
Washington, DC 20036
Tel: (202) 466-6272
Fax: (202) 296-1356
www.weprevent.org
National Crime Prevention Institute
University of Louisville
Louisville, KY 40292
Tel: (502) 852-6987
(800) 334-8635 ext. 6987
Fax: (502) 852-6990
www.louisville.edu/a-s/ja/ncpi
jcfryo1@gwise.louisville.edu
Executive Office of Weed and Seed
U.S. Department of Justice
810 7th Street, NW
6Th Floor
Washington, DC 20531
Tel: (202) 616-1152
Fax: (202) 616-1159
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2001 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Arson
Overview
Hundreds of lives are lost each year in arson-related fires, and thousands suffer burns and other injuries as a result of these crimes. In addition, arson is very financially costly to our society.
The Federal Bureau of Investigation defines arson as "any willful or malicious burning or attempt to burn, with or without intent to defraud, a dwelling, house, public building, motor vehicle or aircraft, personal property of another, etc." (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000, p. 54). Only fires determined through investigation to have been willfully or maliciously set are classified as arsons. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) is the lead federal agency responsible for investigating major arson and explosive crimes.
The main motivations for committing arson tend to fall under the categories of vandalism, excitement, revenge, crime concealment, profit and extremist (Douglas et al., 1995):
Vandalism-motivated arson is typically committed by male juveniles who have completed seven to nine years of school. The crime tends to occur spontaneously and is often done by groups. Frequently, entry is gained through force, such as through a window, and the fire is started with materials present at the scene.
The excitement-motivated arsonist starts fires to satisfy a craving for excitement. These fires rarely harm people. In some cases of deserted structures, volunteer firefighters may be culprits. Slightly older than the vandal, this arsonist tends to have completed ten or more years of school, but generally still lives with one or more parents. He tends to be socially inadequate and has a police record of nuisances.
Revenge-motivated arson is done in retaliation for some wrong done against the arsonist, real or imagined, by society, a person or group of persons, or some establishment. It may be a well-planned, single occurrence or a serial arsonist taking revenge on society with little or no planning. The victim of this type of arson usually has a history of conflicts with the perpetrator, and the arson tends to be intraracial. Females tend to target personal possessions, as do romantically slighted revenge-takers. Females tend to use readily accessible flammables, while men prefer Molotov cocktails and/or excessive amounts of accelerant.
In crime concealment-motivated arson, the fire may be used to destroy bodies, forensic evidence, records, or to distract from the real crime (such as in burglary). The perpetrator commonly uses alcohol or drugs and usually has a history of police or fire department contacts or arrests. In the case of murder-concealment, a liquid accelerant is often used, and the crime tends to be disorganized.
The purpose of profit-motivated arson is to achieve monetary gain. This category includes fraud, employment and competition. One of the most commonly heard of is insurance fraud. These fires tend to be more sophisticated with less physical evidence and more complex fire-starting devices. Frequently, the offender is hired, leaves the crime scene and does not return.
Extremist-motivated arson is done to further a cause. Categories such as terrorism, riots and discrimination fall under this distinction. The target usually represents the antithesis of the offender's belief. It is usually organized, planned and done in groups. Explosive devices such as Molotov cocktails are commonly used. The offender is often readily identified with the cause or group behind this crime.
Whether it is done for profit or protest, arson is so easy to commit, and the offenders are so hard to apprehend or convict, that little progress is being made to control the problem. "Arson is taking a backseat for many crime prevention practitioners because drug-related and violent crimes are receiving the priority," says Rick Gilman, Executive Director of the Insurance Committee for Arson Control, which is based in New York City (Office of Criminal Justice Programs, 1990). Gilman also notes that arson accounts for 14 percent (14%) of all structural fires and 25 percent (25%) of all fire-related dollar losses in our country. This equates to millions of dollars in losses each year (Ibid).
Although many arson crimes are profit-motivated, research shows that the number of child fire setters is on the rise. Forty-three (43%) of those arrested for the crime of arson in 2002 were under the age of 18 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2002). Fire setting by both adults and children can be the result of pathological behaviors, including some classified as pyromania -- the inability to resist impulses to set fires. Much progress has been made in detecting and treating such pathological behaviors related to fire setting (Gaynor & Hatcher, 1987).
References
Douglas, John, Ann W. Burgess, Allen Burgess and Robert Ressler. (1995). Crime Classification Manual: A Standard System for Investigating and Classifying Violent Crimes. New York: Lexington Books.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2006). Crime in the United States, 2006. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
Gaynor, Jessica and Chris Hatcher. (1987). The Psychology of Child Firesetting: Detection and Intervention. New York: Brunner/Mazel.
Hall Jr., John R. (2000). U.S. Arson Trends and Patterns. Quincy, MA: National Fire Protection Association.
Office of Criminal Justice Programs. "Increasingly Comfortable About Arson." (1990). OCJP Research Update, 2(1): 1.
U.S. Fire Administration, FEMA, Department of Homeland Security, 2006.
Bibliography
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Hate Crimes: The Violence of Prejudice." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1995). "Trauma of Victimization." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1995). "Rights of Crime Victims." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
For additional information, please contact:
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms
99 New York Avenue, N.E.
Washington, DC 20226
Arson Hotline: 1-888-283-3473
www.atf.gov
Insurance Information Institute
110 William Street
New York, NY 10038
(212) –346-5500
www.iii.org
U.S. Fire Administration
FEMA, Department of Homeland Security
16825 South Seton Avenue
Emmitsburg, MD 21727
(301) 447-1000
www.usfa.dhs.gov
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Hundreds of lives are lost each year in arson-related fires, and thousands suffer burns and other injuries as a result of these crimes. In addition, arson is very financially costly to our society.
The Federal Bureau of Investigation defines arson as "any willful or malicious burning or attempt to burn, with or without intent to defraud, a dwelling, house, public building, motor vehicle or aircraft, personal property of another, etc." (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000, p. 54). Only fires determined through investigation to have been willfully or maliciously set are classified as arsons. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) is the lead federal agency responsible for investigating major arson and explosive crimes.
The main motivations for committing arson tend to fall under the categories of vandalism, excitement, revenge, crime concealment, profit and extremist (Douglas et al., 1995):
Vandalism-motivated arson is typically committed by male juveniles who have completed seven to nine years of school. The crime tends to occur spontaneously and is often done by groups. Frequently, entry is gained through force, such as through a window, and the fire is started with materials present at the scene.
The excitement-motivated arsonist starts fires to satisfy a craving for excitement. These fires rarely harm people. In some cases of deserted structures, volunteer firefighters may be culprits. Slightly older than the vandal, this arsonist tends to have completed ten or more years of school, but generally still lives with one or more parents. He tends to be socially inadequate and has a police record of nuisances.
Revenge-motivated arson is done in retaliation for some wrong done against the arsonist, real or imagined, by society, a person or group of persons, or some establishment. It may be a well-planned, single occurrence or a serial arsonist taking revenge on society with little or no planning. The victim of this type of arson usually has a history of conflicts with the perpetrator, and the arson tends to be intraracial. Females tend to target personal possessions, as do romantically slighted revenge-takers. Females tend to use readily accessible flammables, while men prefer Molotov cocktails and/or excessive amounts of accelerant.
In crime concealment-motivated arson, the fire may be used to destroy bodies, forensic evidence, records, or to distract from the real crime (such as in burglary). The perpetrator commonly uses alcohol or drugs and usually has a history of police or fire department contacts or arrests. In the case of murder-concealment, a liquid accelerant is often used, and the crime tends to be disorganized.
The purpose of profit-motivated arson is to achieve monetary gain. This category includes fraud, employment and competition. One of the most commonly heard of is insurance fraud. These fires tend to be more sophisticated with less physical evidence and more complex fire-starting devices. Frequently, the offender is hired, leaves the crime scene and does not return.
Extremist-motivated arson is done to further a cause. Categories such as terrorism, riots and discrimination fall under this distinction. The target usually represents the antithesis of the offender's belief. It is usually organized, planned and done in groups. Explosive devices such as Molotov cocktails are commonly used. The offender is often readily identified with the cause or group behind this crime.
Whether it is done for profit or protest, arson is so easy to commit, and the offenders are so hard to apprehend or convict, that little progress is being made to control the problem. "Arson is taking a backseat for many crime prevention practitioners because drug-related and violent crimes are receiving the priority," says Rick Gilman, Executive Director of the Insurance Committee for Arson Control, which is based in New York City (Office of Criminal Justice Programs, 1990). Gilman also notes that arson accounts for 14 percent (14%) of all structural fires and 25 percent (25%) of all fire-related dollar losses in our country. This equates to millions of dollars in losses each year (Ibid).
Although many arson crimes are profit-motivated, research shows that the number of child fire setters is on the rise. Forty-three (43%) of those arrested for the crime of arson in 2002 were under the age of 18 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2002). Fire setting by both adults and children can be the result of pathological behaviors, including some classified as pyromania -- the inability to resist impulses to set fires. Much progress has been made in detecting and treating such pathological behaviors related to fire setting (Gaynor & Hatcher, 1987).
References
Douglas, John, Ann W. Burgess, Allen Burgess and Robert Ressler. (1995). Crime Classification Manual: A Standard System for Investigating and Classifying Violent Crimes. New York: Lexington Books.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2006). Crime in the United States, 2006. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
Gaynor, Jessica and Chris Hatcher. (1987). The Psychology of Child Firesetting: Detection and Intervention. New York: Brunner/Mazel.
Hall Jr., John R. (2000). U.S. Arson Trends and Patterns. Quincy, MA: National Fire Protection Association.
Office of Criminal Justice Programs. "Increasingly Comfortable About Arson." (1990). OCJP Research Update, 2(1): 1.
U.S. Fire Administration, FEMA, Department of Homeland Security, 2006.
Bibliography
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Hate Crimes: The Violence of Prejudice." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1995). "Trauma of Victimization." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1995). "Rights of Crime Victims." FYI Bulletin. Arlington, VA.: National Center for Victims of Crime.
For additional information, please contact:
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms
99 New York Avenue, N.E.
Washington, DC 20226
Arson Hotline: 1-888-283-3473
www.atf.gov
Insurance Information Institute
110 William Street
New York, NY 10038
(212) –346-5500
www.iii.org
U.S. Fire Administration
FEMA, Department of Homeland Security
16825 South Seton Avenue
Emmitsburg, MD 21727
(301) 447-1000
www.usfa.dhs.gov
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Acquaintance Rape
Overview
When most people think of rape, they visualize an unknown lunatic violently dragging a defenseless person into a dark alley. This is a very inaccurate portrayal. Almost four out of five rapes are committed by attackers who knew or recognized their victims (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992).
Acquaintance rape is a sexual assault by an individual known to the victim. Another term "date rape" is a sexual assault by an individual with whom the victim has a "dating" relationship and the sexual assault occurs in the context of this relationship. Many of these rapes are violent, and all are coercive in nature.
The perpetrators of acquaintance rape do not fit an easily recognized profile. However, some similar characteristics have been found in acquaintance rapists including:
+ A propensity toward violence in problem-solving;
+ Aggressiveness in intimate relationships; and
+ Being overly demanding of partners.
While most victims of acquaintance rape are female, males can also be the victims of this type of sexual assault. Victims of acquaintance rape come from every socio-economic, cultural, religious and racial background.
Many myths incorrectly characterize rape victims as "sexually loose" individuals who are "asking for it." On the contrary, victims of acquaintance rape are victims of violence and domination. The prejudicial myths and attitudes surrounding rape victims are what hinder the criminal justice system. Quite often the evidence depends on the victim's word against that of the rapist's; therefore, instead of the offender being tried, the victim's morals, lifestyle, dress and actions are put on trial. As a result, convictions are difficult to get, and police and prosecutors are often reluctant to pursue acquaintance rape cases.
Another factor in the reluctance of the criminal justice system to pursue acquaintance rape cases is that alcohol is often involved. One study found that 75 percent (75%) of the males and 50 percent (50%) of the females involved in college campus acquaintance rapes had been drinking when the sexual assault occurred (Bohmer & Parrot, 1993). Social standards condemn individuals for getting drunk and place blame on them when they are raped while drinking any alcohol, regardless of whether they were intoxicated at the time of the assault. In reality, whether the victim is drinking or not, the simple act of saying "no" means just that no consent has been given. If the victim is intoxicated, then there can be no capacity to consent. However, the voluntary intoxication of an offender cannot be used as a legal defense for committing the crime of sexual assault.
Victims of acquaintance rape face problems which are very specific to their type of victimization. Because the rapists may have been a part of their lives or someone with whom they socialize, victims often have to face their assailants after the rapes-causing distress, fear and humiliation for the victim.
Victims of acquaintance rape frequently blame themselves for a violent crime over which they had no control. Because the assailants are previously known to them, many victims hold themselves accountable for not having better judged the character of their perpetrators, or for allowing themselves to be in the situation in which the rape occurred. Acquaintance rape victims also experience an extreme violation of trust because this individual they allowed into their life violated all that trust and committed a horrible crime against them.
The trauma caused by acquaintance rape is no less severe than the trauma that is associated with rape by a stranger. Victims can suffer physically, emotionally and financially. Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, a condition suffered by almost one-third of all rape victims, includes sleeping and eating disorders, nervousness, fatigue, withdrawal from society and distrust of others. Many victims suffer from one or several of these symptoms, and some victims are affected for many years.
Many acquaintance rape victims never reach out for the services and assistance they need in the aftermath of their victimization. Only 16 percent (16%) of rape victims report the crime to the police (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992). When victims do step forward and report, they are often not believed or experience difficulty in receiving proper services.
Victims of acquaintance rape need a variety of rights and services including:
+ Confidentiality and privacy protection;
+ Medical care;
+ Accurate information concerning HIV/AIDS and STDs;
+ Counseling;
+ Compensation; and
+ Restitution.
Victims also need information about the criminal case during the investigation, trial and corrections system, as well as information about the offender's known HIV/AIDS status.
Acquaintance rape victims have myriad concerns. The fear of being blamed, fear of their families, friends or the general public knowing about their victimization, or a sense of futileness due to the belief that justice will not be served prevent many victims from coming forward. Preventing secondary victimizations to acquaintance rape victims by the criminal justice system and society is a major concern of the victims' rights movement.
References
Bohmer, Carol and Andrea Parrot. (1993). Sexual Assault on Campus. New York: Lexington Books.
Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice (1994). Criminal Victimization in the United States.
Illinois Coalition Against Sexual Assault, September 2002.
National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA.
Texas Women's University, 2007.
For additional information, please contact:
National Sexual Violence Resource Center
123 North Enola Drive
Enola, Pennsylvania 17025
Toll-free: (877) 739-3895
Phone: (717) 909-0710
Fax: (717) 909-0714
TTY: (717) 909-0715
www.nsvrc.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 467-8700
Toll-free: 1-800-FYI-CALL (1-800-394-2255) Our helpline is staffed Monday through Friday 8:30am to 8:30pm EST
Fax: (202) 467-8701
TTY/TDD: 1-800-211-799
Email: gethelp@ncvc.org
www.ncvc.org
National Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center
Medical University of South Carolina
165 Cannon Street, P.O. Box 250852
Charleston, SC 29425-0742
Administration: (843) 792 – 2945
Clinic: (843) 792-8209
http://colleges.musc.edu/ncvc/
Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)
National Sexual Assault Hotline
2000 L Street, NW, Suite 405
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 544-1034
Toll-free: (800) 656-HOPE (4613)
info@rainn.org
www.rainn.org
Center for Women Policy Studies
1776 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Suite 450
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 872 – 1770
Fax: (202) 296-8962
www.centerwomenpolicy.org
Your local rape crisis center:
Check in the front of your local phone book under "Community Services Numbers" or "Emergency Assistance Numbers."
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
When most people think of rape, they visualize an unknown lunatic violently dragging a defenseless person into a dark alley. This is a very inaccurate portrayal. Almost four out of five rapes are committed by attackers who knew or recognized their victims (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992).
Acquaintance rape is a sexual assault by an individual known to the victim. Another term "date rape" is a sexual assault by an individual with whom the victim has a "dating" relationship and the sexual assault occurs in the context of this relationship. Many of these rapes are violent, and all are coercive in nature.
The perpetrators of acquaintance rape do not fit an easily recognized profile. However, some similar characteristics have been found in acquaintance rapists including:
+ A propensity toward violence in problem-solving;
+ Aggressiveness in intimate relationships; and
+ Being overly demanding of partners.
While most victims of acquaintance rape are female, males can also be the victims of this type of sexual assault. Victims of acquaintance rape come from every socio-economic, cultural, religious and racial background.
Many myths incorrectly characterize rape victims as "sexually loose" individuals who are "asking for it." On the contrary, victims of acquaintance rape are victims of violence and domination. The prejudicial myths and attitudes surrounding rape victims are what hinder the criminal justice system. Quite often the evidence depends on the victim's word against that of the rapist's; therefore, instead of the offender being tried, the victim's morals, lifestyle, dress and actions are put on trial. As a result, convictions are difficult to get, and police and prosecutors are often reluctant to pursue acquaintance rape cases.
Another factor in the reluctance of the criminal justice system to pursue acquaintance rape cases is that alcohol is often involved. One study found that 75 percent (75%) of the males and 50 percent (50%) of the females involved in college campus acquaintance rapes had been drinking when the sexual assault occurred (Bohmer & Parrot, 1993). Social standards condemn individuals for getting drunk and place blame on them when they are raped while drinking any alcohol, regardless of whether they were intoxicated at the time of the assault. In reality, whether the victim is drinking or not, the simple act of saying "no" means just that no consent has been given. If the victim is intoxicated, then there can be no capacity to consent. However, the voluntary intoxication of an offender cannot be used as a legal defense for committing the crime of sexual assault.
Victims of acquaintance rape face problems which are very specific to their type of victimization. Because the rapists may have been a part of their lives or someone with whom they socialize, victims often have to face their assailants after the rapes-causing distress, fear and humiliation for the victim.
Victims of acquaintance rape frequently blame themselves for a violent crime over which they had no control. Because the assailants are previously known to them, many victims hold themselves accountable for not having better judged the character of their perpetrators, or for allowing themselves to be in the situation in which the rape occurred. Acquaintance rape victims also experience an extreme violation of trust because this individual they allowed into their life violated all that trust and committed a horrible crime against them.
The trauma caused by acquaintance rape is no less severe than the trauma that is associated with rape by a stranger. Victims can suffer physically, emotionally and financially. Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, a condition suffered by almost one-third of all rape victims, includes sleeping and eating disorders, nervousness, fatigue, withdrawal from society and distrust of others. Many victims suffer from one or several of these symptoms, and some victims are affected for many years.
Many acquaintance rape victims never reach out for the services and assistance they need in the aftermath of their victimization. Only 16 percent (16%) of rape victims report the crime to the police (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992). When victims do step forward and report, they are often not believed or experience difficulty in receiving proper services.
Victims of acquaintance rape need a variety of rights and services including:
+ Confidentiality and privacy protection;
+ Medical care;
+ Accurate information concerning HIV/AIDS and STDs;
+ Counseling;
+ Compensation; and
+ Restitution.
Victims also need information about the criminal case during the investigation, trial and corrections system, as well as information about the offender's known HIV/AIDS status.
Acquaintance rape victims have myriad concerns. The fear of being blamed, fear of their families, friends or the general public knowing about their victimization, or a sense of futileness due to the belief that justice will not be served prevent many victims from coming forward. Preventing secondary victimizations to acquaintance rape victims by the criminal justice system and society is a major concern of the victims' rights movement.
References
Bohmer, Carol and Andrea Parrot. (1993). Sexual Assault on Campus. New York: Lexington Books.
Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice (1994). Criminal Victimization in the United States.
Illinois Coalition Against Sexual Assault, September 2002.
National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA.
Texas Women's University, 2007.
For additional information, please contact:
National Sexual Violence Resource Center
123 North Enola Drive
Enola, Pennsylvania 17025
Toll-free: (877) 739-3895
Phone: (717) 909-0710
Fax: (717) 909-0714
TTY: (717) 909-0715
www.nsvrc.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 467-8700
Toll-free: 1-800-FYI-CALL (1-800-394-2255) Our helpline is staffed Monday through Friday 8:30am to 8:30pm EST
Fax: (202) 467-8701
TTY/TDD: 1-800-211-799
Email: gethelp@ncvc.org
www.ncvc.org
National Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center
Medical University of South Carolina
165 Cannon Street, P.O. Box 250852
Charleston, SC 29425-0742
Administration: (843) 792 – 2945
Clinic: (843) 792-8209
http://colleges.musc.edu/ncvc/
Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)
National Sexual Assault Hotline
2000 L Street, NW, Suite 405
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 544-1034
Toll-free: (800) 656-HOPE (4613)
info@rainn.org
www.rainn.org
Center for Women Policy Studies
1776 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Suite 450
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 872 – 1770
Fax: (202) 296-8962
www.centerwomenpolicy.org
Your local rape crisis center:
Check in the front of your local phone book under "Community Services Numbers" or "Emergency Assistance Numbers."
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Incest
+ incest as children. (Jeffrey Turner, 1996).
Introduction
While the prevalence and severity of child abuse in the United States has been given an increasing amount of attention -- attitudes, definitions and statistics continue to vary. The examination of incest may incite some of the greatest discrepancies, for it remains one of the most under-reported and least discussed crimes in our nation. An almost international taboo, incest often remains concealed by the victim because of guilt, shame, fear, social and familial pressure, as well as coercion by the abuser (Matsakis, 1991).
Definition
One researcher describes incest as: "...the sexual abuse of a child by a relative or other person in a position of trust and authority over the child. It is a violation of the child where he or she lives -- literally and metaphorically. A child molested by a stranger can run home for help and comfort. A victim of incest cannot." (Vanderbilt, 1992, p. 51). Additional definitions include the following characteristics:
+ Sexual contact or interaction between family members who are not marital partners;
+ Oral-genital contact, genital or anal penetration, genital touching of the victim by the perpetrator, any other touching of private body parts, sexual kissing and hugging;
+ Sexually staring at the victim by the perpetrator, accidental or disguised touching of the victim's body by the perpetrator, verbal invitations to engage in sexual activity, verbal ridiculing of body parts, pornographic photography, reading of sexually explicit material to children, and exposure to inappropriate sexual activity (Caruso, 1987).
Overview
Incest does not discriminate. It happens in families that are financially-privileged, as well as those of low socio-economic status. It happens to those of all racial and ethnic descent, and to those of all religious traditions. Victims of incest are boys and girls, infants and adolescents. Incest occurs between fathers and daughters, fathers and sons, mothers and daughters and mothers and sons. Perpetrators of incest can be aunts, uncles, cousins, nieces, nephews, step-parents, step-children, grandparents and grandchildren. In addition, incest offenders can be persons without a direct blood or legal relationship to the victim such as a parent's lover or live-in nanny, housekeeper, etc. -- as this abuse takes place within the confines of the family and the home environment (Vanderbilt, 1992). The study of a nationally representative sample of state prisoners serving time for violent crime in 1991 revealed that 20 percent (20%) of their crimes were committed against children, and three out of four prisoners who victimized a child reported the crime took place in their own home or in the victim's home (Greenfeld, 1996).
Estimates of the number of incest victims in the United States vary. These discrepancies can be attributed to the fact that incest remains an extremely under-reported crime. All too often, pressure from family members -- in addition to threats or pressure from the abuser -- results in extreme reluctance to reveal abuse and to subsequently obtain help (Matsakis, 1991).
Incest has been cited as the most common form of child abuse. Studies conclude that 43 percent (43%) of the children who are abused are abused by family members, 33 percent (33%) are abused by someone they know, and the remaining 24 percent (24%) are sexually abused by strangers (Hayes, 1990). Other research indicates that over 10 million Americans have been victims of incest.
One of the nation's leading researchers on child sexual abuse, David Finkelhor, estimates that 1,000,000 Americans are victims of father-daughter incest, and 16,000 new cases occur annually (Finkelhor, 1983). However, Finkelhor's statistics may be significantly low because they are based primarily on accounts of white, middle-class women and may not adequately represent low-income and minority women (Matsakis, 1991).
Victims of incest are often extremely reluctant to reveal that they are being abused because their abuser is a person in a position of trust and authority for the victim. Often the incest victim does not understand -- or they deny -- that anything is wrong with the behavior they are encountering (Vanderbilt, 1992). Many young incest victims accept and believe the perpetrator's explanation that this is a "learning experience" that happens in every family by an older family member. Incest victims may fear they will be disbelieved, blamed or punished if they report their abuse.
In addition, some recent research suggests that some victims of incest may suffer from biochemically-induced amnesia. This condition can be triggered by a severe trauma, such as a sexual assault, which causes the body to incur a number of complex endocrine and neurological changes resulting in complete or partial amnesia regarding the event. Thus, any immediate and/or latent memory of the incident(s) is repressed (Matsakis, 1991).
Most research concludes that girls and women are at substantially higher risk of being sexually assaulted than males (Matsakis, 1991). A recent study of all state prisoners serving time for violent crime in 1991 revealed that of all those convicted for rape or sexual assault, two-thirds victimized children and three out of four of their victims were young girls (Greenfeld, 1996). However, estimates of male incest may be low due to the fact that, while girls are extremely hesitant to disclose incest, boys are probably even more so. Boys may be especially reluctant to admit incest victimization because of the sexual details and their fear it may indicate to others a weakness and/or homosexuality, which can result in negative social stigmatization (Vanderbilt, 1992).
Incest can have serious long-term effects on its victims. One study concluded that among the survivors of incest who were victimized by their mothers, 60 percent (60%) of the women had eating disorders as did one-fourth (25%) of the men. Of the 93 women and nine men included in this study, 80 percent (80%) of the women and all of the men reported sexual problems in their adult life. In addition, almost two-thirds of the women stated that they never or rarely went to the doctor or the dentist as the examination was too terrifying for them. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) -- which includes amnesia, nightmares and flashbacks -- also remains prevalent among incest survivors (Vanderbilt, 1992). Additionally, there is research which indicates that children who have been sexually abused by a relative suffers from even more intense guilt and shame, low self-esteem, depression and self-destructive behavior (such as substance abuse, sexual promiscuity and prostitution) than children who have been sexually assaulted by a stranger (Matsakis, 1991).
Whether an incest victim endured an isolated incident of abuse or ongoing assaults over an extended period of time, the process of recovery can be exceptionally painful and difficult. The recovery process begins with admission of abuse and the recognition that help and services are needed. There are services and resources available for incest victims -- both children and adult survivors of incest. Resources for incest victims include books, self-help groups, workshops, short and long-term therapy programs, and possible legal remedies. Many survivors of incest have formed self-help/support groups where they along with other incest survivors can discuss their victimization and find role models who have survived incest (Vanderbilt, 1992).
In addition to believing, listening to, and helping victims of incest in their process of recovery, we need to simultaneously search for ways to prevent future generations from enduring such abuse and from continuing the cycles of abuse within their own family and relationships.
References
Caruso, Beverly. (1987). The Impact of Incest. Center City, MN: Hazelden Educational Materials.
Finkelhor, David. (1983). The Dark Side of Families: Current Family Violence Research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Greenfeld, Lawrence. (1996). Child Victimizers: Violent Offenders and Their Victims: Executive Summary. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, U.S. Department of Justice.
Hayes, Robert. (1990, Summer). "Child Sexual Abuse." Crime Prevention Journal.
Langan, Patrick and Caroline Harlow. (1994). Child Rape Victims, 1992. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice.
Lisak, David. (1994). "The Psychological Impact of Sexual Abuse: Content Analysis of Interviews with Male Survivors." Journal of Traumatic Stress, 7(4): 525-548.
Matsakis, Aphrodite. (1991). When the Bough Breaks. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications.
National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. Vanderbilt, Heidi. (1992, February). "Incest: A Chilling Report." Lears, p. 49-77.
RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network), 2008
Turner, Jeffrey S. (1996). "Encyclopedia of Relationships Across the Lifespan.
Bibliography
Blume, E. Sue. (1990). Secret Survivors: Uncovering Incest and Its Aftereffects in Women. New York: Wiley Publishing.
Byerly, Carolyn. (1985). The Mother's Book: How to Survive the Incest of Your Child. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing.
Davis, Laura. (1990). The Courage to Heal Workbook: For Women and Men Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse. New York: Harper & Row.
Fuller, A. Kenneth and Robert Bartucci. (1991). "HIV Transmission and Childhood Sexual Abuse." Journal of Sex Education & Therapy, 17(1).
Gust, Jean and Patricia Sweeting. (1992). Recovering from Sexual Abuse and Incest: A Twelve-Step Guide. Bedford, MA: Mills & Sanderson Publishing.
Hunter, Mic. (1990). Abused Boys: The Neglected Victims of Sexual Abuse. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
Mayer, Adele. (1985). Sexual Abuse: Causes, Consequences, and Treatment of Incestuous and Pedophilic Acts. Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications.
National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse. (1988). Basic Facts About Child Abuse. Chicago, IL: National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Child Sexual Abuse," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Civil Legal Remedies for Victims of Violent Crimes," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Cult and Ritualistic Abuse," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1998). "Extensions of the Criminal and Civil Statutes of Limitations in Child Sexual Abuse Cases," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1992). "Rape-Related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Trauma of Victimization," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
Ward, Elizabeth. (1985). Father-Daughter Rape. New York: Grove Press.
Wiehe, Vernon. (1997). Sibling Abuse: Hidden Physical, Emotional, and Sexual Trauma. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
For additional information, please call:
National Children's Advocacy Center
210 Pratt Avenue
Huntsville, AL 35801
Phone: (256) 533-KIDS (256-533-5437)
Fax: (256) 534-6883
www.nationalcac.org
Prevent Child Abuse America
500 South Michigan Avenue Suite 200
Chicago, IL 60611
Phone: (312) 663-3520
Fax: (312) 939-8962
Toll-free: 1-800-244-5373
www.preventchildabuse.org
National Council on Child Abuse & Family Violence
1025 Connecticut Avenue, Suite #1000
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 429-6695
www.nccafv.org
National HIV/AIDS Hotline
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
Phone: (404) 498-1515
Toll-free: 1-800-311-3435
www.cdc.gov
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street, NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Toll-free Helpline: 1-800-FYI-CALL
Monday-Friday, 8:30 am – 8:30 pm ET
www.ncvc.org
RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network)
Toll-free: 1-800-656-HOPE
www.rainn.org
Survivors of Incest Anonymous
World Service Office
P.O. Box 190
Benson, MD 21018
Phone: (419) 893-3322
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Introduction
While the prevalence and severity of child abuse in the United States has been given an increasing amount of attention -- attitudes, definitions and statistics continue to vary. The examination of incest may incite some of the greatest discrepancies, for it remains one of the most under-reported and least discussed crimes in our nation. An almost international taboo, incest often remains concealed by the victim because of guilt, shame, fear, social and familial pressure, as well as coercion by the abuser (Matsakis, 1991).
Definition
One researcher describes incest as: "...the sexual abuse of a child by a relative or other person in a position of trust and authority over the child. It is a violation of the child where he or she lives -- literally and metaphorically. A child molested by a stranger can run home for help and comfort. A victim of incest cannot." (Vanderbilt, 1992, p. 51). Additional definitions include the following characteristics:
+ Sexual contact or interaction between family members who are not marital partners;
+ Oral-genital contact, genital or anal penetration, genital touching of the victim by the perpetrator, any other touching of private body parts, sexual kissing and hugging;
+ Sexually staring at the victim by the perpetrator, accidental or disguised touching of the victim's body by the perpetrator, verbal invitations to engage in sexual activity, verbal ridiculing of body parts, pornographic photography, reading of sexually explicit material to children, and exposure to inappropriate sexual activity (Caruso, 1987).
Overview
Incest does not discriminate. It happens in families that are financially-privileged, as well as those of low socio-economic status. It happens to those of all racial and ethnic descent, and to those of all religious traditions. Victims of incest are boys and girls, infants and adolescents. Incest occurs between fathers and daughters, fathers and sons, mothers and daughters and mothers and sons. Perpetrators of incest can be aunts, uncles, cousins, nieces, nephews, step-parents, step-children, grandparents and grandchildren. In addition, incest offenders can be persons without a direct blood or legal relationship to the victim such as a parent's lover or live-in nanny, housekeeper, etc. -- as this abuse takes place within the confines of the family and the home environment (Vanderbilt, 1992). The study of a nationally representative sample of state prisoners serving time for violent crime in 1991 revealed that 20 percent (20%) of their crimes were committed against children, and three out of four prisoners who victimized a child reported the crime took place in their own home or in the victim's home (Greenfeld, 1996).
Estimates of the number of incest victims in the United States vary. These discrepancies can be attributed to the fact that incest remains an extremely under-reported crime. All too often, pressure from family members -- in addition to threats or pressure from the abuser -- results in extreme reluctance to reveal abuse and to subsequently obtain help (Matsakis, 1991).
Incest has been cited as the most common form of child abuse. Studies conclude that 43 percent (43%) of the children who are abused are abused by family members, 33 percent (33%) are abused by someone they know, and the remaining 24 percent (24%) are sexually abused by strangers (Hayes, 1990). Other research indicates that over 10 million Americans have been victims of incest.
One of the nation's leading researchers on child sexual abuse, David Finkelhor, estimates that 1,000,000 Americans are victims of father-daughter incest, and 16,000 new cases occur annually (Finkelhor, 1983). However, Finkelhor's statistics may be significantly low because they are based primarily on accounts of white, middle-class women and may not adequately represent low-income and minority women (Matsakis, 1991).
Victims of incest are often extremely reluctant to reveal that they are being abused because their abuser is a person in a position of trust and authority for the victim. Often the incest victim does not understand -- or they deny -- that anything is wrong with the behavior they are encountering (Vanderbilt, 1992). Many young incest victims accept and believe the perpetrator's explanation that this is a "learning experience" that happens in every family by an older family member. Incest victims may fear they will be disbelieved, blamed or punished if they report their abuse.
In addition, some recent research suggests that some victims of incest may suffer from biochemically-induced amnesia. This condition can be triggered by a severe trauma, such as a sexual assault, which causes the body to incur a number of complex endocrine and neurological changes resulting in complete or partial amnesia regarding the event. Thus, any immediate and/or latent memory of the incident(s) is repressed (Matsakis, 1991).
Most research concludes that girls and women are at substantially higher risk of being sexually assaulted than males (Matsakis, 1991). A recent study of all state prisoners serving time for violent crime in 1991 revealed that of all those convicted for rape or sexual assault, two-thirds victimized children and three out of four of their victims were young girls (Greenfeld, 1996). However, estimates of male incest may be low due to the fact that, while girls are extremely hesitant to disclose incest, boys are probably even more so. Boys may be especially reluctant to admit incest victimization because of the sexual details and their fear it may indicate to others a weakness and/or homosexuality, which can result in negative social stigmatization (Vanderbilt, 1992).
Incest can have serious long-term effects on its victims. One study concluded that among the survivors of incest who were victimized by their mothers, 60 percent (60%) of the women had eating disorders as did one-fourth (25%) of the men. Of the 93 women and nine men included in this study, 80 percent (80%) of the women and all of the men reported sexual problems in their adult life. In addition, almost two-thirds of the women stated that they never or rarely went to the doctor or the dentist as the examination was too terrifying for them. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) -- which includes amnesia, nightmares and flashbacks -- also remains prevalent among incest survivors (Vanderbilt, 1992). Additionally, there is research which indicates that children who have been sexually abused by a relative suffers from even more intense guilt and shame, low self-esteem, depression and self-destructive behavior (such as substance abuse, sexual promiscuity and prostitution) than children who have been sexually assaulted by a stranger (Matsakis, 1991).
Whether an incest victim endured an isolated incident of abuse or ongoing assaults over an extended period of time, the process of recovery can be exceptionally painful and difficult. The recovery process begins with admission of abuse and the recognition that help and services are needed. There are services and resources available for incest victims -- both children and adult survivors of incest. Resources for incest victims include books, self-help groups, workshops, short and long-term therapy programs, and possible legal remedies. Many survivors of incest have formed self-help/support groups where they along with other incest survivors can discuss their victimization and find role models who have survived incest (Vanderbilt, 1992).
In addition to believing, listening to, and helping victims of incest in their process of recovery, we need to simultaneously search for ways to prevent future generations from enduring such abuse and from continuing the cycles of abuse within their own family and relationships.
References
Caruso, Beverly. (1987). The Impact of Incest. Center City, MN: Hazelden Educational Materials.
Finkelhor, David. (1983). The Dark Side of Families: Current Family Violence Research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Greenfeld, Lawrence. (1996). Child Victimizers: Violent Offenders and Their Victims: Executive Summary. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, U.S. Department of Justice.
Hayes, Robert. (1990, Summer). "Child Sexual Abuse." Crime Prevention Journal.
Langan, Patrick and Caroline Harlow. (1994). Child Rape Victims, 1992. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice.
Lisak, David. (1994). "The Psychological Impact of Sexual Abuse: Content Analysis of Interviews with Male Survivors." Journal of Traumatic Stress, 7(4): 525-548.
Matsakis, Aphrodite. (1991). When the Bough Breaks. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications.
National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime and Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. Vanderbilt, Heidi. (1992, February). "Incest: A Chilling Report." Lears, p. 49-77.
RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network), 2008
Turner, Jeffrey S. (1996). "Encyclopedia of Relationships Across the Lifespan.
Bibliography
Blume, E. Sue. (1990). Secret Survivors: Uncovering Incest and Its Aftereffects in Women. New York: Wiley Publishing.
Byerly, Carolyn. (1985). The Mother's Book: How to Survive the Incest of Your Child. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing.
Davis, Laura. (1990). The Courage to Heal Workbook: For Women and Men Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse. New York: Harper & Row.
Fuller, A. Kenneth and Robert Bartucci. (1991). "HIV Transmission and Childhood Sexual Abuse." Journal of Sex Education & Therapy, 17(1).
Gust, Jean and Patricia Sweeting. (1992). Recovering from Sexual Abuse and Incest: A Twelve-Step Guide. Bedford, MA: Mills & Sanderson Publishing.
Hunter, Mic. (1990). Abused Boys: The Neglected Victims of Sexual Abuse. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
Mayer, Adele. (1985). Sexual Abuse: Causes, Consequences, and Treatment of Incestuous and Pedophilic Acts. Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications.
National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse. (1988). Basic Facts About Child Abuse. Chicago, IL: National Committee for Prevention of Child Abuse.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Child Sexual Abuse," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Civil Legal Remedies for Victims of Violent Crimes," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Cult and Ritualistic Abuse," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1998). "Extensions of the Criminal and Civil Statutes of Limitations in Child Sexual Abuse Cases," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1992). "Rape-Related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
National Center for Victims of Crime. (1997). "Trauma of Victimization," FYI, Arlington, VA: National Victim Center.
Ward, Elizabeth. (1985). Father-Daughter Rape. New York: Grove Press.
Wiehe, Vernon. (1997). Sibling Abuse: Hidden Physical, Emotional, and Sexual Trauma. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
For additional information, please call:
National Children's Advocacy Center
210 Pratt Avenue
Huntsville, AL 35801
Phone: (256) 533-KIDS (256-533-5437)
Fax: (256) 534-6883
www.nationalcac.org
Prevent Child Abuse America
500 South Michigan Avenue Suite 200
Chicago, IL 60611
Phone: (312) 663-3520
Fax: (312) 939-8962
Toll-free: 1-800-244-5373
www.preventchildabuse.org
National Council on Child Abuse & Family Violence
1025 Connecticut Avenue, Suite #1000
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 429-6695
www.nccafv.org
National HIV/AIDS Hotline
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
Phone: (404) 498-1515
Toll-free: 1-800-311-3435
www.cdc.gov
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street, NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Toll-free Helpline: 1-800-FYI-CALL
Monday-Friday, 8:30 am – 8:30 pm ET
www.ncvc.org
RAINN (Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network)
Toll-free: 1-800-656-HOPE
www.rainn.org
Survivors of Incest Anonymous
World Service Office
P.O. Box 190
Benson, MD 21018
Phone: (419) 893-3322
Your state Attorney General, county/city prosecutor, or county/city law enforcement:
Check in the Blue Pages of your local phone book under the appropriate section heading of either "Local Governments," "County Governments," or "State Government."
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Sexual Assault
Definition
Sexual assault takes many forms including attacks such as rape or attempted rape, as well as any unwanted sexual contact or threats. Usually a sexual assault occurs when someone touches any part of another person's body in a sexual way, even through clothes, without that person's consent. Some types of sexual acts which fall under the category of sexual assault include forced sexual intercourse (rape), sodomy (oral or anal sexual acts), child molestation, incest, fondling and attempted rape. Sexual assault in any form is often a devastating crime. Assailants can be strangers, acquaintances, friends, or family members. Assailants commit sexual assault by way of violence, threats, coercion, manipulation, pressure or tricks. Whatever the circumstances, no one asks or deserves to be sexually assaulted.
Overview
In most jurisdictions, the term sexual assault has replaced the term rape in the state statutes. This was done to be more gender-neutral and to cover more specific types of sexual victimization and various levels of coercion. For example, some state codes define Sexual Assault in the First Degree or Aggravated Sexual Assault as physically or psychologically forced vaginal, anal or oral penetration - which has typically been thought of as rape.
Sexual Abuse, Sexual Misconduct, Sodomy, Lascivious Acts, Indecent Contact, and Indecent Exposure are all examples of possible sexual assault charges. Basically, almost any sexual behavior a person has not consented to that causes that person to feel uncomfortable, frightened or intimidated is included in the sexual assault category.
The law generally assumes that a person does not consent to sexual conduct if he or she is forced, threatened or is unconscious, drugged, a minor, developmentally disabled, chronically mentally ill, or believe they are undergoing a medical procedure. Some examples of sexual assault include:
* Someone putting their finger, tongue, mouth, penis or an object in or on your vagina, penis or anus when you don't want them to;
* Someone touching, fondling, kissing or making any unwanted contact with your body;
* Someone forcing you to perform oral sex or forcing you to receive oral sex;
* Someone forcing you to masturbate, forcing you to masturbate them, or fondling and touching you;
* Someone forcing you to look at sexually explicit material or forcing you to pose for sexually explicit pictures; and
* A doctor, nurse, or other health care professional giving you an unnecessary internal examination or touching your sexual organs in an unprofessional, unwarranted and inappropriate manner.
Reactions of Sexual Assault Victims
Since every person and situation is different, victims of sexual assault will respond to an assault in different ways. Many factors can influence an individual's response to, and recovery from, sexual assault. These may include the age and developmental maturity of the victim; the social support network available to the victim; the victim's relationship to the offender; the response to the attack by police, medical personnel, and victim advocates; the response to the attack by the victim's loved ones; the frequency, severity and duration of the assault(s); the setting of the attack; the level of violence and injury inflicted; the response by the criminal justice system; community attitudes and values; and the meaning attributed to the traumatic event by the sexual assault survivor (Koss & Harvey, 1991). Some survivors of sexual assault will find they can recover relatively quickly, while others will feel the lasting effects of their victimization throughout their lifetime.
Possible Physical Effects of Sexual Assault
* Pain
* Injuries
* Nausea
* Vomiting
* Headaches
Possible Emotional/Psychological Effects of Sexual Assault
* Shock/denial
* Irritability/anger
* Depression
* Social withdrawal
* Numbing/apathy (detachment, loss of caring)
* Restricted affect (reduced ability to express emotions)
* Nightmares/flashbacks
* Difficulty concentrating
* Diminished interest in activities or sex
* Loss of self-esteem
* Loss of security/loss of trust in others
* Guilt/shame/embarrassment
* Impaired memory
* Loss of appetite
* Suicidal ideation (thoughts of suicide and death)
* Substance Abuse
* Psychological disorders
Possible Physiological Effects of Sexual Assault
* Hypervigilance (always being "on your guard")
* Insomnia
* Exaggerated startle response (jumpiness)
* Panic attacks
* Eating problems/disorders
* Self-mutilation (cutting, burning or otherwise hurting oneself)
* Sexual dysfunction (not being able to perform sexual acts)
* Hyperarousal (exaggerated feelings/responses to stimuli)
In addition to these effects, a survivor of sexual assault may develop Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (RR-PTSD). According to the National Women's Study, nearly one-third of all rape victims develop RR-PTSD sometime during their lifetimes (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992). PTSD is a mental health disorder primarily characterized by chronic anxiety, depression and flashbacks which develop after experiencing significant trauma such as combat, natural disaster or violent crime victimization. RR-PTSD is diagnosed by a mental health professional when the biological, psychological and social effects of trauma are severe enough to have impaired a survivor's social and occupational functioning (Allen, 1995 p.169). For more information on RR-PTSD and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, please refer to the Get Help Series bulletins entitled, Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder.
If an Individual is Sexually Assaulted
It is important that the victim of sexual assault understand that no matter where they were, the time of day or night assaulted, what they were wearing, or what they said or did, if they did not want the sexual contact, then the assault was in no way their fault. Persons who commit sexual assault do so out of a need to control, dominate, abuse and humiliate. Sexual assault is the articulation of aggression through sex, and has little to do with passion, lust, desire, or sexual arousal.
Survivors of sexual assault, as stated earlier, react in many different ways following the assault(s). Whatever the reaction, it may be helpful for the victim of sexual assault to call a friend, relative, partner, the police, or an advocate specifically trained in assisting victims of sexual assault. Some prosecutor's offices, police departments, and every local sexual assault program have trained advocates who work with sexual assault victims and can provide a variety of services including:
+ Accompaniment to the hospital, during the rape exam and to the police station;
+ Information about reporting procedures and what to expect;
+ Legal advocacy and court accompaniment;
+ Emergency crisis intervention, counseling and referrals;
+ Counseling for the victim's partner, spouse or family;
+ Assistance in finding care for children; and
+ Information about sexually transmitted diseases, HIV and pregnancy testing.
+ Immediately after an assault, it is most important that the victim find a safe place, such as a neighbor or friend's house, police station, or hospital. If the assault occurred in the home, the house should be secured as soon as possible by locking all the doors and windows. If a survivor is hurt, it is imperative to immediately dial 911 to request an ambulance or have a trusted friend or relative transport the survivor to the nearest medical facility for evaluation and treatment.
Reporting the Assault(s)
* The decision to report a sexual assault lies within the discretion of the sexual assault survivor. If a sexual assault survivor plans to report the assault to law enforcement, it is crucial for evidentiary reasons that they do not:
* Shower, bathe, or douche;
* Throw away any clothes that were worn at the time of the assault;
* Brush or comb their hair;
* Use the restroom;
* Brush their teeth or gargle;
* Put on makeup;
* Clean or straighten up the crime scene; and
* Eat or drink anything.
If planning to report, it may prove helpful for the survivor to immediately write down everything they can remember about the assault including: what the assailant(s) looked like (e.g., height, weight, scars, tattoos, hair color, clothes); any unusual odor; any noticeable signs of intoxication; anything the assailant(s) said during the assault; what kinds of sexual activities were demanded and/or carried out; what kinds of weapons, threats or physical force were used; and any special traits noticed (e.g., limp, speech impediments, use of slang, lack of erection, etc.) (Johnson, 1985). Writing it down will not only aid the survivor in recalling details should they be required to testify, but it also gives the sexual assault survivor an active role in the investigation, which can allow for a feeling of empowerment and an element of control in a situation where control had previously been taken away.
The survivor who reports the assault to the authorities will most likely have to undergo a sexual assault forensic examination, sometimes called a "rape kit." During this procedure a doctor or nurse will collect the evidence necessary to establish that a crime occurred and, if possible, establish who committed the crime. To do so, the nurse or doctor will perform an internal examination (either vaginally, anally or both) taking swabs of any secretions left by the perpetrator and will do the same to the victim's mouth if any oral contact was made during the assault. In addition, samples of the victim's hair and pubic hair will be plucked from the root, and many times several hairs need to be collected so some discomfort will be felt. The pubic hair will also be combed through to collect any foreign hair, secretions, or matter. The clothes the victim was wearing will be held as evidence also, so it is a good idea for the survivor to bring along a change of clothes to the hospital. A series of photographs will also be taken of the victim, including anywhere there are bruises, scrapes or cuts.
A victim who chooses to report the assault will probably be asked to describe their victimization in detail to several different officers and investigators. The survivor may also have to tell a nurse what happened, and may want to share their feelings with an advocate. If the case is pursued, at a later date the survivor will be interviewed by the prosecutor's office, and may have to take part in different hearings in which the victim is asked questions about the assault. The sexual assault survivor who plans to prosecute should know it may take months or years for a case to go to trial, so he or she should be prepared to talk about their victimization many times before ever having to testify before a trial jury or judge.
It is the fear of intrusive and re-victimizing court procedures that prevent many sexual assault survivors from reporting their assault(s). In 2005, Under 39 percent of all rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law enforcement (Shannan M. Catalano, 2005). Many factors contribute to under-reporting including shame and embarrassment, self-blame, fear of media exposure, fear of further injury or retaliation, and fear of a legal system that often puts the victim's behavior and history on trial. A majority of states now have laws called "rape-shield" statutes, which prohibit any non-relevant evidence of the victim's past sexual history from being used by the defense at trial. For more specific information about laws relating to sexual assault, please refer to the bulletin entitled, Sexual Assault Legislation.
There are benefits to reporting sexual assaults, however, which include being eligible for state crime victim compensation funds. If a victim is eligible, these funds can possibly pay for the sexual assault forensic examination; other medical expenses; one-time or ongoing sexually transmitted disease testing; psychological counseling and treatment; lost wages; and other services and assistance.
In addition, many sexual assault survivors report that choosing to follow through with prosecution contributes to a feeling of accomplishment and empowerment because they are attempting to protect themselves and others in the community from being victimized. Many victims also report the attempt to put their assailant(s) in jail allows for a feeling of closure, enabling them to put the assault behind them (Johnson, 1985). Moreover, it is only by more individuals reporting sexual assaults that pressure can be placed on the legal system and the community at large to reduce the negative consequences on victims who report sexual assaults. Furthermore, if individuals who commit sexual assault offenses are not apprehended and prosecuted, they will continue to commit sexual offenses. One widely recognized study found that 126 admitted rapists had committed 907 rapes involving 882 different victims (Abel et al., 1987). That study does not account for the multiple victims of child sexual assault, incest, molestation or other forms of sexual predatory behavior which typically have a high number of victims and re-offense rate. Therefore, the more sex offenders that are apprehended and prosecuted, the fewer victims of sexual assault.
HIV/AIDS and the Sexual Assault Survivor
A concern of many survivors of sexual assault is the possibility of transmission of HIV, the virus that causes AIDS, as a result of their victimization. According to the National Women's Study, 40% of rape victims were significantly concerned about contracting HIV as a result of the assault. Though the actual risk of transmission from a single act of sexual assault is relatively low, the psychological stressor of possible HIV infection is quite significant for the survivor of sexual assault (Gostin et al., 1994). If the survivor wishes to be tested for HIV, he or she should talk to a trained advocate or HIV/AIDS professional counselor about the testing process and options. In most cases if a victim has contracted HIV Disease as a result of the assault, he or she will test positive within two weeks of the assault. In some instances it may take up to three months for a positive result. If the victim decides to be tested, it is important to locate an anonymous testing site. To protect confidentiality, whenever possible avoid testing at a hospital or with a family physician. If the first test result is negative, follow-up testing should be conducted three months, six months and one year after the assault. Many victims also wish to know the HIV status of their assailant. Most states allow for testing of alleged and convicted sex offenders and disclosure of the results to the victim. For more information on HIV testing legislation and HIV/AIDS and victims of sexual assault, please refer to the bulletins entitled, HIV/AIDS Legislation and HIV/AIDS and Victim Services.
Services for the Sexual Assault Survivor
Whether or not a sexual assault victim chooses to report the assault(s) to the authorities, there is support and help for the survivor in most communities. The local rape crisis or sexual assault program's advocates will work with a survivor no matter what course of action they choose to pursue. Along with providing direct service to victims, agencies also conduct sexual assault awareness, prevention and education programs in schools and the community, and work closely with their state sexual assault coalitions to advocate for fair legislation pertaining to victims of sexual crimes.
Many communities have established written protocols for response to sexual assault victims to ensure they are treated by all service providers in a consistent, responsible and sensitive manner. In addition, many jurisdictions have created multi-disciplinary teams, sometimes called S.A.R.T (Sexual Assault Response Team) programs. These teams usually consist of law enforcement officers, advocates, and Sexual Assault Nurse Examiners or doctors that respond to crime scenes, hospitals and police stations to serve the immediate needs of the sexual assault survivor. Communities use this comprehensive approach to sexual assault victim assistance to reduce the negative aftereffects and trauma associated with sexual victimization by limiting the number of interviews and providing the survivor with immediate resources for assistance.
Furthermore, many prosecutors' offices and law enforcement agencies have Victim/Witness programs that work closely with victims once they have decided to report and/or prosecute. These criminal justice system-based service providers in most jurisdictions can assist a victim in filing for state crime victim compensation funds; will file a restitution claim with the Court; will notify a victim of hearings, possible plea negotiations and court schedule changes; will accompany a survivor to various court proceedings; will explain the legal process and legal proceedings to the survivor; and will interact on the behalf of the victim's interests with the various attorneys, court personnel, and the survivor's employer or school.
Many communities also have community mental health centers that provide psychological counseling, support groups and, if necessary, referral to psychiatrists for medication assessments. Most of these centers provide services on a sliding-fee scale basis, charging clients according to what they can afford.
The effects of sexual victimization can be severely traumatic, and survivors generally find that time-limited or even long-term counseling is extremely important to their recovery. Even after initial crisis counseling, victims may find it helpful to return to counseling periodically when it becomes difficult to manage the aftereffects of sexual assault without further guidance and assistance. If the survivor does not wish to contact a sexual assault or rape crisis advocate or mental health counselor, they may want to talk through their feelings with a trusted family member, friend, or member of the clergy.
What to do for a Victim of Sexual Assault
Sexual assault affects not only the victim, but the loved ones and family of the survivor, as well as the community. Family members and friends many times not only have to help their loved one manage the aftereffects of the assault but also have to deal with their own feelings about the victimization of someone they care about. Those that live with the survivor may become concerned about their security and may have similar feelings and responses as those the survivor experiences. Family members in some communities can find support groups for loved ones of those who have been victims of sexual assault. The immediate neighborhood as well may be affected by the victimization of their neighbor and become more concerned about their personal safety. They may respond to the assault(s) by establishing a neighborhood watch program or installing better street lighting. Professionals in the community who have direct contact with the survivor may develop protocols, or guidelines for response, to sexual assault victims to ensure the needs of survivors are being addressed within their respective agencies.
To be of assistance to a survivor one should:
* Listen without judging;
* Let them know the assault(s) was not their fault;
* Let them know they did what was necessary to prevent further harm;
* Reassure the survivor that he or she is cared for and loved;
* Encourage the sexual assault victim to seek medical attention;
* Encourage the survivor to talk about the assault(s) with an advocate, mental health professional or someone they trust; and
* Let them know they do not have to manage this crisis alone.
For more information on how one can help survivors of sexual assault, contact a local rape crisis or sexual assault program, prosecutor's office or sexual assault coalition and ask how to volunteer.
* For more specific information about male victims of sexual assault, please refer to the bulletin entitled, Male Rape.
References
Abel, Gene, et al. (1987). "Self-Reported Sex Crimes of Nonincarcerated Paraphiliacs." Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2(1): 3-25.
Allen, Jon. (1995). Coping with Trauma. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press.
Campbell, Rebecca. "Rape Survivor's Experiences with the Legal and Medical Systems: Do Rape Victim Advocates Make a Difference?" Violence Against Women 12 (2006).
Catalano, Shannon M. "Criminal Victimization, 2005." (Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006).
Gostin, Lawrence et al. (1994). "HIV Testing, Counseling, and Prophylaxis After Sexual Assault." Journal of the American Medical Association, 271(18): 1436-1444.
Johnson, Kathryn. (1985). If You Are Raped: What Every Woman Needs to Know. Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications, Inc.
Koss, Mary & Harvey, Mary. (1991). The Rape Victim: Clinical and Community Interventions. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Library of Social Research.
National Association of Crime Victim Compensation Boards, "FY 2004: Compensation to Victims Continues to Increase." NACVCB, 2005.
National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
RAINN, Rape, Abuse & Incent National Network, "National Sexual Assault Hotline," 2006.
Rennison, Callie, "Rape and Sexual Assault: Reporting to Police and Medical Attention," Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006.
Bibliography
Burgess, Ann. (1991). Rape and Sexual Assault III: A Research Handbook. New York: Garland
For additional information, please contact:
National Sexual Violence Resource Center
123 North Enola Drive
Enola, Pennsylvania 17025
877-739-3895 (tollfree)
717-909-0710 (phone)
717-909-0714 (fax)
717-909-0715 (TTY)
www.nsvrc.org
National Alliance to End Sexual Violence
(202) 289-3903
www.naesv.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 467-8700
Our helpline is staffed Monday through Friday 8:30am to 8:30pm EST:
Toll-free: 1-800-FYI-CALL (1-800-394-2255)
Fax: (202) 467-8701
TTY/TDD: 1-800-211-799
Email: gethelp@ncvc.org
www.ncvc.org
Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)
National Sexual Assault Hotline
2000 L Street, NW, Suite 406
Washington,DC 20036
(202) 544-1034
(800) 656-HOPE (4613)
info@rainn.org
www.rainn.org
National Association for Crime Victims Compensation Boards
(703) 780-3200
www.nacvcb.org
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
(404) 639-3311Public Inquiries (404) 639-3534, (800) 311-3435
www.cdc.gov
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
Sexual assault takes many forms including attacks such as rape or attempted rape, as well as any unwanted sexual contact or threats. Usually a sexual assault occurs when someone touches any part of another person's body in a sexual way, even through clothes, without that person's consent. Some types of sexual acts which fall under the category of sexual assault include forced sexual intercourse (rape), sodomy (oral or anal sexual acts), child molestation, incest, fondling and attempted rape. Sexual assault in any form is often a devastating crime. Assailants can be strangers, acquaintances, friends, or family members. Assailants commit sexual assault by way of violence, threats, coercion, manipulation, pressure or tricks. Whatever the circumstances, no one asks or deserves to be sexually assaulted.
Overview
In most jurisdictions, the term sexual assault has replaced the term rape in the state statutes. This was done to be more gender-neutral and to cover more specific types of sexual victimization and various levels of coercion. For example, some state codes define Sexual Assault in the First Degree or Aggravated Sexual Assault as physically or psychologically forced vaginal, anal or oral penetration - which has typically been thought of as rape.
Sexual Abuse, Sexual Misconduct, Sodomy, Lascivious Acts, Indecent Contact, and Indecent Exposure are all examples of possible sexual assault charges. Basically, almost any sexual behavior a person has not consented to that causes that person to feel uncomfortable, frightened or intimidated is included in the sexual assault category.
The law generally assumes that a person does not consent to sexual conduct if he or she is forced, threatened or is unconscious, drugged, a minor, developmentally disabled, chronically mentally ill, or believe they are undergoing a medical procedure. Some examples of sexual assault include:
* Someone putting their finger, tongue, mouth, penis or an object in or on your vagina, penis or anus when you don't want them to;
* Someone touching, fondling, kissing or making any unwanted contact with your body;
* Someone forcing you to perform oral sex or forcing you to receive oral sex;
* Someone forcing you to masturbate, forcing you to masturbate them, or fondling and touching you;
* Someone forcing you to look at sexually explicit material or forcing you to pose for sexually explicit pictures; and
* A doctor, nurse, or other health care professional giving you an unnecessary internal examination or touching your sexual organs in an unprofessional, unwarranted and inappropriate manner.
Reactions of Sexual Assault Victims
Since every person and situation is different, victims of sexual assault will respond to an assault in different ways. Many factors can influence an individual's response to, and recovery from, sexual assault. These may include the age and developmental maturity of the victim; the social support network available to the victim; the victim's relationship to the offender; the response to the attack by police, medical personnel, and victim advocates; the response to the attack by the victim's loved ones; the frequency, severity and duration of the assault(s); the setting of the attack; the level of violence and injury inflicted; the response by the criminal justice system; community attitudes and values; and the meaning attributed to the traumatic event by the sexual assault survivor (Koss & Harvey, 1991). Some survivors of sexual assault will find they can recover relatively quickly, while others will feel the lasting effects of their victimization throughout their lifetime.
Possible Physical Effects of Sexual Assault
* Pain
* Injuries
* Nausea
* Vomiting
* Headaches
Possible Emotional/Psychological Effects of Sexual Assault
* Shock/denial
* Irritability/anger
* Depression
* Social withdrawal
* Numbing/apathy (detachment, loss of caring)
* Restricted affect (reduced ability to express emotions)
* Nightmares/flashbacks
* Difficulty concentrating
* Diminished interest in activities or sex
* Loss of self-esteem
* Loss of security/loss of trust in others
* Guilt/shame/embarrassment
* Impaired memory
* Loss of appetite
* Suicidal ideation (thoughts of suicide and death)
* Substance Abuse
* Psychological disorders
Possible Physiological Effects of Sexual Assault
* Hypervigilance (always being "on your guard")
* Insomnia
* Exaggerated startle response (jumpiness)
* Panic attacks
* Eating problems/disorders
* Self-mutilation (cutting, burning or otherwise hurting oneself)
* Sexual dysfunction (not being able to perform sexual acts)
* Hyperarousal (exaggerated feelings/responses to stimuli)
In addition to these effects, a survivor of sexual assault may develop Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (RR-PTSD). According to the National Women's Study, nearly one-third of all rape victims develop RR-PTSD sometime during their lifetimes (National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center, 1992). PTSD is a mental health disorder primarily characterized by chronic anxiety, depression and flashbacks which develop after experiencing significant trauma such as combat, natural disaster or violent crime victimization. RR-PTSD is diagnosed by a mental health professional when the biological, psychological and social effects of trauma are severe enough to have impaired a survivor's social and occupational functioning (Allen, 1995 p.169). For more information on RR-PTSD and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, please refer to the Get Help Series bulletins entitled, Rape-related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder.
If an Individual is Sexually Assaulted
It is important that the victim of sexual assault understand that no matter where they were, the time of day or night assaulted, what they were wearing, or what they said or did, if they did not want the sexual contact, then the assault was in no way their fault. Persons who commit sexual assault do so out of a need to control, dominate, abuse and humiliate. Sexual assault is the articulation of aggression through sex, and has little to do with passion, lust, desire, or sexual arousal.
Survivors of sexual assault, as stated earlier, react in many different ways following the assault(s). Whatever the reaction, it may be helpful for the victim of sexual assault to call a friend, relative, partner, the police, or an advocate specifically trained in assisting victims of sexual assault. Some prosecutor's offices, police departments, and every local sexual assault program have trained advocates who work with sexual assault victims and can provide a variety of services including:
+ Accompaniment to the hospital, during the rape exam and to the police station;
+ Information about reporting procedures and what to expect;
+ Legal advocacy and court accompaniment;
+ Emergency crisis intervention, counseling and referrals;
+ Counseling for the victim's partner, spouse or family;
+ Assistance in finding care for children; and
+ Information about sexually transmitted diseases, HIV and pregnancy testing.
+ Immediately after an assault, it is most important that the victim find a safe place, such as a neighbor or friend's house, police station, or hospital. If the assault occurred in the home, the house should be secured as soon as possible by locking all the doors and windows. If a survivor is hurt, it is imperative to immediately dial 911 to request an ambulance or have a trusted friend or relative transport the survivor to the nearest medical facility for evaluation and treatment.
Reporting the Assault(s)
* The decision to report a sexual assault lies within the discretion of the sexual assault survivor. If a sexual assault survivor plans to report the assault to law enforcement, it is crucial for evidentiary reasons that they do not:
* Shower, bathe, or douche;
* Throw away any clothes that were worn at the time of the assault;
* Brush or comb their hair;
* Use the restroom;
* Brush their teeth or gargle;
* Put on makeup;
* Clean or straighten up the crime scene; and
* Eat or drink anything.
If planning to report, it may prove helpful for the survivor to immediately write down everything they can remember about the assault including: what the assailant(s) looked like (e.g., height, weight, scars, tattoos, hair color, clothes); any unusual odor; any noticeable signs of intoxication; anything the assailant(s) said during the assault; what kinds of sexual activities were demanded and/or carried out; what kinds of weapons, threats or physical force were used; and any special traits noticed (e.g., limp, speech impediments, use of slang, lack of erection, etc.) (Johnson, 1985). Writing it down will not only aid the survivor in recalling details should they be required to testify, but it also gives the sexual assault survivor an active role in the investigation, which can allow for a feeling of empowerment and an element of control in a situation where control had previously been taken away.
The survivor who reports the assault to the authorities will most likely have to undergo a sexual assault forensic examination, sometimes called a "rape kit." During this procedure a doctor or nurse will collect the evidence necessary to establish that a crime occurred and, if possible, establish who committed the crime. To do so, the nurse or doctor will perform an internal examination (either vaginally, anally or both) taking swabs of any secretions left by the perpetrator and will do the same to the victim's mouth if any oral contact was made during the assault. In addition, samples of the victim's hair and pubic hair will be plucked from the root, and many times several hairs need to be collected so some discomfort will be felt. The pubic hair will also be combed through to collect any foreign hair, secretions, or matter. The clothes the victim was wearing will be held as evidence also, so it is a good idea for the survivor to bring along a change of clothes to the hospital. A series of photographs will also be taken of the victim, including anywhere there are bruises, scrapes or cuts.
A victim who chooses to report the assault will probably be asked to describe their victimization in detail to several different officers and investigators. The survivor may also have to tell a nurse what happened, and may want to share their feelings with an advocate. If the case is pursued, at a later date the survivor will be interviewed by the prosecutor's office, and may have to take part in different hearings in which the victim is asked questions about the assault. The sexual assault survivor who plans to prosecute should know it may take months or years for a case to go to trial, so he or she should be prepared to talk about their victimization many times before ever having to testify before a trial jury or judge.
It is the fear of intrusive and re-victimizing court procedures that prevent many sexual assault survivors from reporting their assault(s). In 2005, Under 39 percent of all rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law enforcement (Shannan M. Catalano, 2005). Many factors contribute to under-reporting including shame and embarrassment, self-blame, fear of media exposure, fear of further injury or retaliation, and fear of a legal system that often puts the victim's behavior and history on trial. A majority of states now have laws called "rape-shield" statutes, which prohibit any non-relevant evidence of the victim's past sexual history from being used by the defense at trial. For more specific information about laws relating to sexual assault, please refer to the bulletin entitled, Sexual Assault Legislation.
There are benefits to reporting sexual assaults, however, which include being eligible for state crime victim compensation funds. If a victim is eligible, these funds can possibly pay for the sexual assault forensic examination; other medical expenses; one-time or ongoing sexually transmitted disease testing; psychological counseling and treatment; lost wages; and other services and assistance.
In addition, many sexual assault survivors report that choosing to follow through with prosecution contributes to a feeling of accomplishment and empowerment because they are attempting to protect themselves and others in the community from being victimized. Many victims also report the attempt to put their assailant(s) in jail allows for a feeling of closure, enabling them to put the assault behind them (Johnson, 1985). Moreover, it is only by more individuals reporting sexual assaults that pressure can be placed on the legal system and the community at large to reduce the negative consequences on victims who report sexual assaults. Furthermore, if individuals who commit sexual assault offenses are not apprehended and prosecuted, they will continue to commit sexual offenses. One widely recognized study found that 126 admitted rapists had committed 907 rapes involving 882 different victims (Abel et al., 1987). That study does not account for the multiple victims of child sexual assault, incest, molestation or other forms of sexual predatory behavior which typically have a high number of victims and re-offense rate. Therefore, the more sex offenders that are apprehended and prosecuted, the fewer victims of sexual assault.
HIV/AIDS and the Sexual Assault Survivor
A concern of many survivors of sexual assault is the possibility of transmission of HIV, the virus that causes AIDS, as a result of their victimization. According to the National Women's Study, 40% of rape victims were significantly concerned about contracting HIV as a result of the assault. Though the actual risk of transmission from a single act of sexual assault is relatively low, the psychological stressor of possible HIV infection is quite significant for the survivor of sexual assault (Gostin et al., 1994). If the survivor wishes to be tested for HIV, he or she should talk to a trained advocate or HIV/AIDS professional counselor about the testing process and options. In most cases if a victim has contracted HIV Disease as a result of the assault, he or she will test positive within two weeks of the assault. In some instances it may take up to three months for a positive result. If the victim decides to be tested, it is important to locate an anonymous testing site. To protect confidentiality, whenever possible avoid testing at a hospital or with a family physician. If the first test result is negative, follow-up testing should be conducted three months, six months and one year after the assault. Many victims also wish to know the HIV status of their assailant. Most states allow for testing of alleged and convicted sex offenders and disclosure of the results to the victim. For more information on HIV testing legislation and HIV/AIDS and victims of sexual assault, please refer to the bulletins entitled, HIV/AIDS Legislation and HIV/AIDS and Victim Services.
Services for the Sexual Assault Survivor
Whether or not a sexual assault victim chooses to report the assault(s) to the authorities, there is support and help for the survivor in most communities. The local rape crisis or sexual assault program's advocates will work with a survivor no matter what course of action they choose to pursue. Along with providing direct service to victims, agencies also conduct sexual assault awareness, prevention and education programs in schools and the community, and work closely with their state sexual assault coalitions to advocate for fair legislation pertaining to victims of sexual crimes.
Many communities have established written protocols for response to sexual assault victims to ensure they are treated by all service providers in a consistent, responsible and sensitive manner. In addition, many jurisdictions have created multi-disciplinary teams, sometimes called S.A.R.T (Sexual Assault Response Team) programs. These teams usually consist of law enforcement officers, advocates, and Sexual Assault Nurse Examiners or doctors that respond to crime scenes, hospitals and police stations to serve the immediate needs of the sexual assault survivor. Communities use this comprehensive approach to sexual assault victim assistance to reduce the negative aftereffects and trauma associated with sexual victimization by limiting the number of interviews and providing the survivor with immediate resources for assistance.
Furthermore, many prosecutors' offices and law enforcement agencies have Victim/Witness programs that work closely with victims once they have decided to report and/or prosecute. These criminal justice system-based service providers in most jurisdictions can assist a victim in filing for state crime victim compensation funds; will file a restitution claim with the Court; will notify a victim of hearings, possible plea negotiations and court schedule changes; will accompany a survivor to various court proceedings; will explain the legal process and legal proceedings to the survivor; and will interact on the behalf of the victim's interests with the various attorneys, court personnel, and the survivor's employer or school.
Many communities also have community mental health centers that provide psychological counseling, support groups and, if necessary, referral to psychiatrists for medication assessments. Most of these centers provide services on a sliding-fee scale basis, charging clients according to what they can afford.
The effects of sexual victimization can be severely traumatic, and survivors generally find that time-limited or even long-term counseling is extremely important to their recovery. Even after initial crisis counseling, victims may find it helpful to return to counseling periodically when it becomes difficult to manage the aftereffects of sexual assault without further guidance and assistance. If the survivor does not wish to contact a sexual assault or rape crisis advocate or mental health counselor, they may want to talk through their feelings with a trusted family member, friend, or member of the clergy.
What to do for a Victim of Sexual Assault
Sexual assault affects not only the victim, but the loved ones and family of the survivor, as well as the community. Family members and friends many times not only have to help their loved one manage the aftereffects of the assault but also have to deal with their own feelings about the victimization of someone they care about. Those that live with the survivor may become concerned about their security and may have similar feelings and responses as those the survivor experiences. Family members in some communities can find support groups for loved ones of those who have been victims of sexual assault. The immediate neighborhood as well may be affected by the victimization of their neighbor and become more concerned about their personal safety. They may respond to the assault(s) by establishing a neighborhood watch program or installing better street lighting. Professionals in the community who have direct contact with the survivor may develop protocols, or guidelines for response, to sexual assault victims to ensure the needs of survivors are being addressed within their respective agencies.
To be of assistance to a survivor one should:
* Listen without judging;
* Let them know the assault(s) was not their fault;
* Let them know they did what was necessary to prevent further harm;
* Reassure the survivor that he or she is cared for and loved;
* Encourage the sexual assault victim to seek medical attention;
* Encourage the survivor to talk about the assault(s) with an advocate, mental health professional or someone they trust; and
* Let them know they do not have to manage this crisis alone.
For more information on how one can help survivors of sexual assault, contact a local rape crisis or sexual assault program, prosecutor's office or sexual assault coalition and ask how to volunteer.
* For more specific information about male victims of sexual assault, please refer to the bulletin entitled, Male Rape.
References
Abel, Gene, et al. (1987). "Self-Reported Sex Crimes of Nonincarcerated Paraphiliacs." Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2(1): 3-25.
Allen, Jon. (1995). Coping with Trauma. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press.
Campbell, Rebecca. "Rape Survivor's Experiences with the Legal and Medical Systems: Do Rape Victim Advocates Make a Difference?" Violence Against Women 12 (2006).
Catalano, Shannon M. "Criminal Victimization, 2005." (Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006).
Gostin, Lawrence et al. (1994). "HIV Testing, Counseling, and Prophylaxis After Sexual Assault." Journal of the American Medical Association, 271(18): 1436-1444.
Johnson, Kathryn. (1985). If You Are Raped: What Every Woman Needs to Know. Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications, Inc.
Koss, Mary & Harvey, Mary. (1991). The Rape Victim: Clinical and Community Interventions. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Library of Social Research.
National Association of Crime Victim Compensation Boards, "FY 2004: Compensation to Victims Continues to Increase." NACVCB, 2005.
National Center for Victims of Crime & Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center. (1992). Rape in America: A Report to the Nation. Arlington, VA: National Center for Victims of Crime.
RAINN, Rape, Abuse & Incent National Network, "National Sexual Assault Hotline," 2006.
Rennison, Callie, "Rape and Sexual Assault: Reporting to Police and Medical Attention," Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006.
Bibliography
Burgess, Ann. (1991). Rape and Sexual Assault III: A Research Handbook. New York: Garland
For additional information, please contact:
National Sexual Violence Resource Center
123 North Enola Drive
Enola, Pennsylvania 17025
877-739-3895 (tollfree)
717-909-0710 (phone)
717-909-0714 (fax)
717-909-0715 (TTY)
www.nsvrc.org
National Alliance to End Sexual Violence
(202) 289-3903
www.naesv.org
National Center for Victims of Crime
2000 M Street NW, Suite 480
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 467-8700
Our helpline is staffed Monday through Friday 8:30am to 8:30pm EST:
Toll-free: 1-800-FYI-CALL (1-800-394-2255)
Fax: (202) 467-8701
TTY/TDD: 1-800-211-799
Email: gethelp@ncvc.org
www.ncvc.org
Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)
National Sexual Assault Hotline
2000 L Street, NW, Suite 406
Washington,DC 20036
(202) 544-1034
(800) 656-HOPE (4613)
info@rainn.org
www.rainn.org
National Association for Crime Victims Compensation Boards
(703) 780-3200
www.nacvcb.org
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
(404) 639-3311Public Inquiries (404) 639-3534, (800) 311-3435
www.cdc.gov
All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided that it is distributed free of charge, in its entirety and includes this copyright notice.
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